{"id":1064,"date":"2018-04-07T17:44:04","date_gmt":"2018-04-07T17:44:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/?post_type=chapter&p=1064"},"modified":"2019-06-13T23:38:33","modified_gmt":"2019-06-13T23:38:33","slug":"chapter-4-4-art-in-nomadic-societies","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/chapter\/chapter-4-4-art-in-nomadic-societies\/","title":{"rendered":"Chapter 4.4 Art in Nomadic Societies"},"content":{"raw":"[caption id=\"attachment_3138\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"304\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 689. This geometric patterns on this ostrich egg were scratched into its surface, then rubbed with charcoal or ash. San (probably !Kung subgroup) male artist, Namibia or Botswana, before 1910. H 5.9\". \u00a9\u00a0<\/span>Trustees of the British Museum,\u00a0Af1910,-.363. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nNomadic and semi-nomadic herders of cattle and\/or camels normally have few sculptural traditions, since constant packing and moving provide practical limitations on heavy goods that require transport. They are not without art, however. Sometimes these are confined primarily to body arts, as among the pastoral Fulani (see Chapter 3.2). In other cases, painting rock outcrops that formed part of the natural landscape provided an outlet, as it did for the San or the various successive peoples of the pre-desertified Sahara (see Chapter 3.1 for both). Architecture--usually made in less permanent materials than clay--can be an additional form of artistic expression, especially in semi-nomadic communities where women, the elderly, and young children operate from a fairly permanent base.\r\n\r\nBecause of desertification and drought, members of some nomadic groups have been forced to settle by\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3142\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 690. This Himba woman's hair is wrapped with leather, and its crest is made from the skin of a sheep or goat. This indicates that she has either given birth to her first child or has been married for 12-18 months. Women create these crests themselves. Photo by Julien Lagarde, Oase Village, Namibia, 2011. Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\ncircumstance, rather than through choice. This can have major repercussions on the arts. Some artists may be separated from their standard patrons and forced to seek new markets. Choices in housing types may be changed in urban environments. Some object types become unnecessary to survival. The San, for example, formerly decorated emptied ostrich eggs, filled them with water, plugged them and buried them along their routes as personal reservoirs (Fig. 689). With growing settlement\u00a0sites, these are unneeded. Even those San who still trek in the desert find plastic containers to be less fragile and hold more liquids.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3143\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 691. This standing Herero woman wears a 19th-century European middle-class dress style: long skirt, high neck, elaborate sleeves, apron, and four to eight petticoats. Her headdress, however, is a local innovation called otjikalva<\/em> that references cattle horns. Photo by Andrea, Namibia, 2009. Creative Commons CC BY-NC 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nPolitical persecution,\u00a0missionization, and national drives toward education may alter some individuals' choice of profession and lifestyle, while others are able to retain their traditions because of little interference. Two \"ethnicities\" with the same ethnic background show the effects of outside impact. Both the Himba and the Herero of Namibia (spilling into Angola and part of Botswana) have a shared language and customs, but their\u00a0experience of colonialism split them into two groups, one rural, the other town-based, a split that remains visible through their dress and other body arts. The Himba are rural, herding cattle, sheep and goats in a desert environment. Their clothing mostly consists of leather, and their body arts stress a scented red ochre that is used on skin and hair. Female hairstyles distinguish age groups and marital status (Fig. 690). The Herero, on the other hand, were missionized and progressively dispossessed of land and cattle by German settlers in Namibia. After war and decimation by the Germans from 1903-07, they retained European uniform styles for men and Victorian-era full, long skirts for women, though applying their own twists and stylistic shifts to both. These remain dress <\/span>wear; the women's headwear consists of cloth stiffened from the inside with newspaper into a shape of two cow horns, a reference to their source of wealth, even though many are town dwellers (Fig. 691).<\/span>\r\n\r\n \r\n
\r\n

Further Reading<\/h3>\r\nBeckwith, Carol and Angela Fisher. African Ark: People and Ancient Cultures of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa<\/em>. New York: Abrams, 1990.\r\n\r\nCole, Herbert M. \"Living art among the Samburu.\" In\u00a0Justine M. Cordwell and Ronald A. Schwarz, eds.\u00a0<\/a>The fabrics of culture: the anthropology of clothing and adornment<\/em>, pp. 87-102. The Hague: Mouton, 1979.<\/a>\r\n\r\nGalichet, Marie-Louise. \"Aesthetics and colour among\u00a0<\/span>Maasai<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>and Samburu.\"\u00a0<\/a>Kenya past and present<\/em> No. 20 (1988): 27-30.<\/a><\/a>\r\n\r\nHendrickson, Hildi. \"The \u2018long\u2019 dress and the construction of Herero identities in Southern Africa.\" Journal of African Studies<\/em>\u00a0<\/span>53 (2, 1994): 25-54.\r\n\r\nKlumpp, Donna and Corinne Kratz. \"Aesthetics, expertise, and ethnicity: Okiek and\u00a0<\/span>Maasai<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>perspectives on personal ornament.\" In Thomas Spear and\u00a0<\/a>Richard Waller, eds.\u00a0<\/a><\/a>Being\u00a0Maasai: ethnicity and identity in East Africa<\/em>, pp. 195-221; 303-316. London: James Currey, 1993.<\/a><\/a>\r\n\r\nNaughten, Jim. Conflict and Costume: the Herero tribe of Namibia<\/em>. London: Merrell, 2013.\r\n\r\nPrussin, Labelle.\u00a0African\u00a0nomadic\u00a0architecture: space, place, and gender<\/em>. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Press, 1995.<\/a>\r\n\r\nSampson, C. Garth. \"Ostrich\u00a0<\/span>eggs<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>and Bushman survival on the north-east frontier of the Cape Colony, South Africa.\" Journal of arid environments<\/em> 26 (4, 1994): 383-399.<\/a>\r\n\r\nVerswijver, Gustaaf.\u00a0<\/span>Omo: people and design<\/em>. Paris: \u00c9dition de La Martin\u00e8re, 2008.<\/a>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n

The Tuareg: From Tent to Cement<\/strong><\/h3>\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3406\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 692. Tuareg tent, Hoggar region, southern Algeria. Detail of a photo by Robert Perret, 1934.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a0PP0067460.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThe Tuareg are a far-flung Berber group that roam an increasingly large area, as desertification and strife push them into new areas. Once the prime Sahara-crossers, mounted on horse and camel backs, their lifestyle has changed considerably in the past fifty years, forcing many out of the nomadic lifestyle into settlements. Formerly, their casted society was led by the nobility (imajeren<\/em>), who coupled a warrior ethos with camel-breeding. Their vassals and slaves supplied them with tribute food and labor in exchange for protection, and a separate class of artists (inadan<\/em>) acted as their mediators and managers, also supplying them with the jewelry, household items and decorations that reinforced their aristocratic status. While none of these elements have completely vanished, Tuareg men with machine guns also patrol in four-wheel-drives, or live settled lives in cement block buildings. Their slaves are\u2014at least officially\u2014liberated, and the inadan<\/em>, who saw their traditional patrons\u2019 dominance slip away, have gone global. Today they actively create new outlets for their products and often outstrip their former leaders in terms of wealth. The 1950s through the 1970s were a key transitional era, before items regularly made for personal use were abandoned--or persisted and shifted with an expanded international market.\r\n\r\nAlthough some Tuareg have always had residences in towns and cities, especially in Niger and Mali, several severe droughts and other economic hardships drove many more to a sedentary lifestyle. Some Tuareg nomads inhabited fiber structures, but most once lived in a tent, the shelter some Tuareg still use and the norm in the living memory of many others.\u00a0The word for tent\u2014ehen<\/em>\u2014is also the word for marriage and womb. A woman\u2019s family gives her this dwelling when she weds, and all its goods belong to her as well. The western Tuareg generally use goat skins (Fig. 692), while those to the east favor matting. The skin versions are a woman's permanent link to her mother and family, for mothers of the essentially\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3409\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 693. This woolen textile was made by a sedentary Berber group, but purchased and used by the Tuareg in Ghardaia, Niger. Berber female weaver, Algeria, early 20th century. L 74\". \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1934.129.3. Donor Emile-Louis-Bruno Bruneau de Laborie.

[\/caption]\r\n\r\nmatrilineal Tuareg begin the preparation of a bride\u2019s tent by cutting off a section of their own. Friends and relations supplement this piece with leather additions, the whole sewn together at a party. Weddings include several tent-related rituals that culminate in the erection of tent poles.\r\n\r\nOnce the new couple is established, the wife creates an inward-looking environment, transforming the inhospitable desert with their tents. Although tent exteriors are generally plain, the interiors can be a flowerbed of color. While the Tuareg do not weave, they purchase rugs and other textiles from sedentary peoples (Fig. 693), decorating tent interiors with\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3410\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 694. Leather decoration for a tent interior. Tuareg tinadan<\/em> female artist, Niger, mid-20th century. H 26.38\". \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 70.2004.27.1.69. Donor\u00a0Jacques Chirac.

[\/caption]\r\n\r\nBerber hangings from Morocco or Fulani hangings from Mali. Women also inject color and pattern into their tents with fringed leather decorative panels (Fig. 694) made by the tinadan<\/em>, the female members of inadan<\/em> craftsmen families, as well as utilitarian leather goods.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3411\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"230\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 695. Detail of an igem<\/em> tent entrance post; wood, metal repair. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, probably Niger, 20th century. H 58\u201d. Cleveland State University, 2002.56. Gift of William B. Simmons.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nTents are synonymous with the ideal of monogamy, and even though some men have multiple wives, no two women\u2019s tents occupy the same compound. The tent is the daily domain of women, children, and elderly men, as most males spend their day outside the domestic sphere. If a couple divorces, the man becomes homeless, at least temporarily. At a woman\u2019s death, her tent is demolished and her matting given away, the space it occupied left delineated for a year. After that, only memories remain.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3412\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 696. Ihel<\/em> wooden mat supports, Tuareg inadan<\/em> male artist, probably Niger, 20th century. From left, H 51.5\u201d; H 58.5\u201d; H 52\u201d. Cleveland State University, from left: 2002.60, 2002.58, 2002.59. Gift of William B. Simmons.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nSkin-spanned tents can be supported by posts and guy-line pegs made from available wood, but wood's scarcity in the desert region makes that practice risky. Carved posts and pegs used to be the norm, and were carried from camp to camp on pack animals. The southern Tuareg of Mali and Niger made matched sculptural poles (igem<\/em>) that flanked the tent\u2019s entrance (Fig. 695), although these are uncommon today. Those from Algeria were simpler and decorated with pyro-engraved lines. Elaborately open-worked additional wooden supports (ihel<\/em>) (Fig. 696) propped up long leather-trimmed leather and reed mats (esaber<\/em>) that sectioned off the conjugal couple\u2019s bed or edged the tent\u2019s perimeter (Fig. 697).\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3413\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 697. Leather strip mat used to edge tents or cordon off the conjugal bed. Tuareg tinadan<\/em> female artist. L 11.98'.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1934.196.1.2. Donor Maurice Reygasse.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThese mats can easily be rolled out of the way for a breeze, but when down, they act as a windbreak and shield the interior from sand and observers.\r\n\r\nAll household items belong to Tuareg woman, and precious objects are stowed away in boxes or kept in leather bags (Fig. 698) that could be protected by a large lock (tanast<\/em>) (Fig. 699). Not all possessions were so carefully guarded. Some were kept in an acorn-shaped bata <\/em>lidded box (Fig. 700). Tinadan<\/em> women\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3415\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"320\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 699. This type of elaborate lock and key is usually used to lock leather bags. Keys can double as weights for women's long head coverings. Copper and iron. L (lock) 3.23\". Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, Niger, beginning of 20th century. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a0 71.1934.166.38.1-2. Donor Yves Urvoy.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3416\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"250\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 698. Painted leather saddle bag. Tuareg tinadan female artist, Timbuktu, Mali, beginning of 20th century. H 65.75\". \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a071.1934.42.18. Donor Jean Lebaudy,[\/caption]\r\n\r\nfrom Niger craft these containers from pieces of animal skin that are soaked until they can be molded over a clay form. The designs are made by rolling wax into threads, applying them to the surface, then dyeing the outside with a red derived from millet stalks. The wax protects the\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3418\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"222\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 700. Box (bata<\/em>) made from resist-dyed goatskin. Tuareg female tinadan<\/em> artist, Agadez, Niger, beginning of 20th century. H 7.28\". \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a071.1930.61.829.1-2. Donor Frantz de Zeltner.[\/caption]\r\n\r\noriginal color of the leather, leaving a two-tone geometric-patterned surface when it is removed. Although this example was made in the mid-twentieth century, it differs little from those published in 1900. While bata<\/em> hold often contain jewelry, coins, makeup or pomade, they can also hold granulated incense (tefarchit<\/em>). More elaborate containers (Fig. 701) can also hold scent, which the Tuareg value highly, whether in the form of perfume, incense\u00a0or aromatic powders, and are\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3419\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 701. Container made from silver, copper, stag horn, and brass to hold scented powder. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, possibly Niger, late 19th or early 20th century. H 2.25\". Detroit Institute of Arts, 1994.25.A. Founders Society Purchase with funds from the Friends of African and African American Art, the African, Oceanic and New World Cultures General Fund, Mr. and Mrs. Allan Shelden III Fund, and the Henry and Consuelo W. Wenger Foundation Fund.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nexpected to share it with visitors. Beyond its creation of a pleasant environment, scent is used in curative and diagnostic practices by dispelling evil, harmful spirits and disease, and reinforcing friendship, love and a sense of communion.\r\n\r\nInadan<\/em> men carve wooden items such as the posts, bed, mortars and bowls for the nobles, and also work metal for jewelry and accessories. An endogamous group, the inadan<\/em> are analogous in many ways to the Mande nyamakala<\/em> (see Bamana section of Chapter 3.1), although they compress many of the varied nyamakala<\/em> groups\u2019 duties into one. Their mastery of mystical powers and satirical song combine to check the nobility\u2019s behavior toward them. In the past, they were indispensable not only for their creativity but for their positions as noblemen\u2019s managers, go-betweens and marriage brokers. Their extroverted behavior is meant to be a strong contrast to the nobles\u2019 reserve, and it is often employed as a diplomatic stratagem.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3425\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 702.\u00a0Necklace and bracelet made from a\u00a0silver alloy, hung on leather strands.\u00a0Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, Niger, collected 1985.\u00a0H pendant 4.5\u201d; D bracelet 2.75\u201d at\u00a0widest section.\u00a0Private collection.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nIn the past, nobles had both the resources and the power to commission exquisite metal\r\n\r\nobjects from the smiths. Silver is still the most common metal of choice, and is associated with the aristocracy and virtue, with brass and copper included in small amounts for color contrast. The silver was melted down rather than mined, much of it formerly from Austrian Maria Teresa thaler coins, which circulated worldwide from their mid-eighteenth century inception through the early1960s, when trade coin minting in other countries finally ceased. Although the Koran itself does not prohibit the use of gold, various Muslim traditions as recorded in the hadith particularly warn men against wearing it, and perhaps reinforced a Tuareg preference for silver. Although uncommon in decades past, inadan<\/em> smiths now produce some gold jewelry, for it has become fashionable, particularly among urbanized\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3424\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"350\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 703. Silver talisman container. Tuareg male inadan artist from the Kel Eway group, Agadez, Niger, 20th century. L including necklace 22\". \u00a9 Dallas Museum of Art, 2016.18.1.FA. Foundation for the Arts Collection; anonymous gift.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nwomen who see their Hausa and Malian counterparts favor it. Copper is believed to have healing and protective properties, and was derived from discarded cartridges, while old cans formed the primary source for aluminum and tin. Battery oxide emphasizes designs engraved in metal by blackening the submerged areas.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3428\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 704. Inadan<\/em>-decorated Moroccan teapot made from tin with copper and brass elements added. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> additions to Moroccan pot, Niger, mid-20th century. H 6.29\u201d. Private collection.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nSmiths also produce metal items related to tea drinking, a semi-ritualized Tuareg practice that takes place at least four times a day\u2014once immediately upon rising and after each meal, as well as when guests arrive. Men are the arbiters of its preparation, usually preparing and consuming it outside the tent, while women make and drink it within. The tea itself involves a mixture of strong Chinese gunpowder or green tea, spearmint, and sometimes other spices or flowers, heavily sugared and boiled over a charcoal fire. Its preparation, if not as stylized as that of the Japanese, still involves specific steps meant to achieve not only the perfect taste, but a perfectly foamed glass. The performative aspect is strong, tea being poured and repoured from a height. Three rounds are\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3429\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 705. Brass container with silver and copper ornaments, meant to hold tea glasses. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, probably Niger, late 19th\/early 20th century. H 3.75\". Detroit Institute of Arts, 1994.24, Founders Society Purchase with funds from the Friends of African and African American Art, the African, Oceanic and New World Cultures General Fund, Mr. and Mrs. Allan Shelden III Fund, and the Henry and Consuelo W. Wenger Foundation Fund.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nexpected: the first glass is strong and bitter, the second, somewhat diluted and heavily sugared, and the final is light, sweet and minty or spiced. The length of time necessary for these rounds\u2014their boiling, aerating and drinking\u2014is no hasty affair, and the beauty of the utensils is meant not only to demonstrate status, but to civilize the harsh environment with hospitality and refinement. At an average of 15.24 lbs. of tea a year, the Tuareg outconsume the English nearly three times over, drinking it every three to five hours. The process is so engrained with identity they nickname themselves \u201cthe sons of tea\u201d (Ag al-Tay<\/em>).\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3430\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 706. Brass sugar hammer. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, probably Niger, 20th century. L 8\u201d. Private collection.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nTea accessories are thus amongst the most regularly handled possessions a person owns. While the inadan<\/em> do not make teapots (albirade<\/em>)\u2014these these have always been imported or market purchases\u2014they regularly embellish and \u201cTuaregize\u201d them. On the formerly popular tin Moroccan pots, this often included additions of copper or brass surface motifs, modifications of the handle or spout, replacement of the lid finial, or even the addition of a copper ring base (Fig. 704). By the 1950s, nobles preferred multi-metal contrasts and small sections of patterning.\u00a0 Currently, imported blue enamel Chinese teapots are most common; their color matches that of typical Tuareg robes, which may add to their appeal. Some teapots are carried in specialized leather bags (tekabawt<\/em>), along with other related supplies. Tea is drunk from small North African glasses (enfenjars<\/em>) that may be stored in fitted wooden boxes, sometimes leather-covered. In the past, extraordinary metal containers (Fig. 705) might protect an aristocrat\u2019s glasses from a camel\u2019s jostling gait. Cubed sugar is now common, but decades ago it was imported in cone form, cut with special shears (temoda ton essukor<\/em>) and pulverized by cast sugar hammers (tefidist<\/em>) (Fig. 706). \u00a0The Tuareg add considerable amounts of sugar to tea, which helps assuage hunger as well as thirst.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3431\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"225\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 707. Tuareg man with lowered veil pouring tea from an imported enamel pot in Mali. Photo Steve Monty, 2006. Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.<\/a>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThe performance of shared tea is dramatized by Tuareg clothing. Men must lower their turban\u2019s mouth veil (tagelmust<\/em>) in order to drink (Fig. 707). Formerly this meant one was highly selective about whom one drank with, for the mouth veil\u2014which is the first part of the turban that is wrapped\u2014is a customary protection against evil. The \u201cevil mouth\u201d and \u201cevil eye\u201d can supernaturally cause misfortune due to jealousy. The latter is sometimes expressed in honeyed fashion\u2014one of the reasons nobles customarily distanced themselves from the inadan<\/em>, who are professional wordsmiths as well as artists. Tea drinking is less caste-isolated today, perhaps because numerous inadan<\/em> have become wealthier than many nobles, even employing some as salesmen.\r\n\r\nTagelmust<\/em> were customarily made from fine dark indigo cotton, and worn over white, blue or indigo gowns with very loose trousers (Fig. 708). The Tuareg prefer a particular kind of indigo-dyed cloth, one which is over-\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3432\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 708. Tuareg man with tagelmust<\/em>, his neck draped with leather amulets. Kano, Nigeria, Photo by Jenny Griffin, 1963-64. Pitt-River, 2016.17.6.

[\/caption]\r\n\r\ndyed, then further pounded with powdered dye until it acquires a prized and costly sheen. Both Hausa and Nupe once made these cloths, called aleshu<\/em>, primarily for sale to the Tuareg. Only a few Hausa dyers still make them and they have grown even more expensive. The indigo often stains the face, hands, and nails, giving rise to another Tuareg nickname, \u201cthe blue people.\u201d Tuareg today wear a greater variety of colors, and, in urban and foreign settings, sometimes dress in Western clothing, with or without the turban, a practice once inconceivable. More conservative men wear their hair dressed into a few braids under the turban, but urban youth are more likely to have close-cropped styles.\r\n\r\nClothing is still a major identity statement for most men, however. Customary dress is by no means standardized, for over 200 ways of draping the tagulmust<\/em> are known, varying in meanings that indicate mourning, reserve, flirtatiousness, relaxation and more. The tagulmust<\/em>, though identified with the Tuareg who created it, spread to the nomadic Wodaabe Fulani in northern Niger and, by at least the 1830s, to the settled Fulani who took over Hausa and Nupe rule in the nineteenth century. Neither group has assumed its universality, nor all of its proscriptions and subtleties, but its wrapped shape persists, with mouth veiling still practiced by numerous northern Nigerian and Cameroonian emirs and some chiefs in modified form.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3433\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 709. A Tuareg refugee camp built in the early 1990s and later flooded and evacuated. Mopti region, Mali, 2005. Photo by upyernoz. Creative Commons CC BY 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThe displacement of Tuareg has led to some being housed in refugee camps (Fig. 709). Others have headed for cement houses in cities such as Agadez, where gender roles reverse--men own the permanent houses, although women still own any tents in use.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3435\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"350\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 710. Cement sculpture in Tahoua, Niger. Photo by\u00a0Cpl. Enrique Saenz, U.S. Marines. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nStill others are the dominant presence in towns that have been majority Tuareg for a long time, such as Tahoua in Niger, where a public sculpture even references the \"Agadez cross\" pendants made by inadan<\/em> silversmiths (Fig. 710).\r\n\r\nJewelry has been one of the prime catalysts for change in the lives of those\u00a0inadan<\/em> who cast silver and work other metals. In the space of a generation, the disasters of drought, famine, and rebellion that particularly marked the 1970s and 80s saw the enterprising inadan<\/em> expand foreign patronage\u00a0substantially. Many settled in towns and travel\u00a0internationally to sell. Some even entered into long-term relationships with foreign firms; one set of inadan<\/em> created silver clasps for purses made by high-end French leatherworking firm Herm\u00e8s. Suggestions, perusal of fashion magazines and jewelry catalogues, and observations of the ornaments of nearby peoples have led to the production of key rings, bottle openers, lighter cases, and other innovations, as\u00a0well as thinner, smaller versions\u00a0of customary forms (Fig. 711). At first, only smiths themselves sold the works to\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3436\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"800\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 711. Tuareg vendor selling jewelry in the market of Niamey, Niger. Photo by LenDog64,\u00a02009. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-ND 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nforeign visitors, but by 2004, nearly one-third of the vendors in one town with 62 sellers belonged to the nobility, one of many shifts in the old customary relationships between\u00a0castes.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n

<\/h3>\r\n

<\/h3>\r\n \r\n
\r\n

Further Reading<\/h3>\r\nBernasek, Lisa. Artistry of the Everyday: Beauty and Craftsmanship in Berber Art<\/em>. Cambridge:\u00a0Peabody Museum Press, 2008.\r\n\r\nLhote, Henri. Les Touaregs du Hoggar,<\/em> 2nd ed. Paris: Payot, 1955.\r\n\r\nLoughran, Kristyne. Art from the Forge<\/em>. Washington, DC: National Museum of African Art,\u00a01995.\r\n\r\nLoughran, Kristyne. \u201cJewelry, Fashion and Identity: The Tuareg Example.\u201d African Arts<\/em> 36 (1,\u00a02003): 52-65; 93.\r\n\r\nMilburn, Mark. \u201cThe Rape of the Agadez Cross: Problems of Typology among Modern Metal\u00a0and Stone Pendants of Northern Niger.\u201d Almogaren<\/em> 9-10 (1978): 135-154.\r\n\r\nNicolaisen, Johannes and Ida Nicolaisen. The Pastoral Tuareg<\/em>, 2 vols. New York: Thames and\u00a0Hudson, 1997.\r\n\r\nRasmussen, Susan J. \u201cMaking Better \u2018Scents\u2019 in Anthropology: Aroma in Tuareg Sociocultural\u00a0Systems and the Shaping of Ethnography.\u201d Anthropological Quarterly<\/em> 72 (2, 1999): 55-73.\r\n\r\nRasmussen, Susan J. \u201cThe People of Solitude: Recalling and reinventing essuf<\/em> (the wild) in\u00a0traditional and emergent Tuareg cultural spaces.\u201d Journal of the Royal Anthropological\u00a0Institute<\/em> 14 (3, 2008): 609-627.\r\n\r\nRasmussen, Susan J. \u201cPerforming Culture: A Tuareg Artisan as Cultural Interpreter.\u201d\u00a0Ethnology<\/em> 49 (3, 2010): 229-248.\r\n\r\nRodd, Rennell. People of the Veil<\/em>. London: MacMillan, 1926.\r\n\r\nScholze, Marko and Ingo Bartha. \u201cTrading Cultures: Berbers and Tuaregs as Souvenir\u00a0Vendors.\u201d In Peter Probst and Gerd Spittler, eds.\u00a0Between Resistance and Expansion: Explorations of Local Vitality in Africa<\/em>, pp.\u00a069-90. M\u00fcnster: Lit Verlag M\u00fcnster for the Institut\u00a0f\u00fcr Afrikastudien Universit\u00e4t Beyreuth, 2004.\r\n\r\nSeligman, Thomas K. and Kristyne Loughran, eds. Art of Being Tuareg: Sahara Nomads in a\u00a0<\/em>Modern World<\/em>. Los Angeles: Cantor Art Center and UCLA Fowler Museum, 2006.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n

Zulu Arts of Beading, Brewpots, and Utensils<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\r\nThe Zulu formerly had a rural, cattle-rearing nomadic culture (Fig. 712) and many older\u00a0household objects reflect these ties, incorporating abstracted\u00a0cattle legs,\u00a0tails, and other bovine references. However, today the Zulu form the largest ethnic component of Johannesburg, South\u00a0Africa\u2019s\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3442\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"600\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 712. This lithograph by George French Angas shows the cattle-oriented life of the Zulu in the 1840s. From\u00a0The Kafirs illustrated in a series of drawings taken among the Amazulu, Amaponda and Amakosa tribes<\/em>.\u00a0London: J. Hogarth, 1849. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nmost sizable city, as well as Durban, its third largest city and busiest\u00a0port. The shift to urbanism began over a century ago; the Zulu are by no means\u00a0newcomers to metropolitan life. The British 1879 victory in the\u00a0Anglo-Zulu war disrupted the Zulu kingdom structure shared by\u00a0many\u2014though not all\u2014Zulu and their tributaries. The British and\u00a0Boers increased control over land, and, by the close of the century,\u00a0had instituted mandatory poll taxes for men and hut taxes\u00a0on each structure. Payment had to be in government currency,\u00a0which meant at least temporary shifts in money-earning, since\u00a0the Zulu were cattle raisers unused to coinage and banknotes.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3443\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 713. One of Zwelethu Mthethwa's series of photos of urban dwellers and their homes. Single frame from Tim Noakes' video, \"Zwelethu Mthethwa Interview<\/a>,\" 2010.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThis change prodded many men to periodically migrate in order to work\u00a0in European-established settlements, providing access to a new\u00a0cash economy, trade goods, and completely different forms of\u00a0employment.\u00a0In the many intervening decades, some stayed in the cities.\u00a0Household separations were frequent due to one-gender mining\u00a0camps as did apartheid\u2019s domestic worker arrangements, which\u00a0allowed women and their children to be housed in a small outbuilding\u00a0on their employers\u2019 property, but banned adult men from staying there. An\u00a0ever-increasing movement to the cities continues in post-apartheid\u00a0times, overcrowding both the former segregated \u201csuburbs\u201d\u00a0like Johannesburg\u2019s Soweto and other city regions. Although\u00a0those Zulu who have acquired wealth through politics, law, entertainment,\u00a0sports, and other professions have luxurious homes,\u00a0overcrowded urban living is the norm for most, as depicted in the\u00a0photographs of Zulu artist Zwelethu Mthethwa (Fig. 713). Single rooms or\u00a0rooms-and-parlors are rental spaces whose walls are papered in\u00a0newspapers, posters, and ads, and whose cleanliness showcases\u00a0often sparse possessions (see other Mthethwa photos HERE<\/a>).\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3444\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"600\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 714. Drawing of an isiBaya<\/em> in Walter Robert Ludlow's Zululand and Cetewayo, containing an account of Zulu customs, manners and habits<\/em> (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1882, p. 157. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nOther Zulu\u2014particularly women,\u00a0children and old men\u2014still remain in the countryside of KwaZuluNatal,\u00a0their lives tied to cattle and the semi-nomadic lifestyle\u00a0of their forebears. Many city dwellers plan to retire to the countryside\u00a0for a less frantic existence, but rural Zulu certainly do not\u00a0live in isolation from metropolitan culture. Family members live\u00a0and work in urban areas, visits to the city are made, local stores\u00a0stock city goods, and locally-made items are sold to city galleries\u00a0or tourist vendors.\u00a0In the nineteenth century, those Zulu under the ruler Shaka\u2019s\u00a0(c. 1787-1828) royal descendants also lived in towns such\u00a0as Umgungundlovu, which had about 1500 homes and many\u00a0more inhabitants. These settlements were circular in design, the\u00a0ruler\u2019s home placed furthest from the entrance. Subjects lived in\u00a0several layers of round houses around the circumference of the\r\ncommunity\u2014which could reach two miles\u2014with cattle holding\u00a0areas (known as kraal<\/em> in Afrikaans and English and isiBaya\u00a0<\/em>in Zulu) between them. The military used the huge kraal at the\u00a0center as a parade ground. After the British broke the royal system,\u00a0smaller household settlements replaced this arrangement,\u00a0taking a similar formation (Fig. 714). The isiBaya<\/em> was quite literally\u00a0the core of the homestead. Households initially had one\u00a0wooden stockade surrounding the central kraal, while a second,\u00a0outer stockade encircled the dwellings. The isiBaya<\/em> centralized\u00a0the household\u2019s wealth\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3445\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 715. A Zulu man preparing the armature for a house, 1894. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford,\u00a0<\/span>1998.160.13.4. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nthrough cattle, which served as a bride\u00a0price for legitimate marriages and also provided food, hides for\u00a0clothing, and dung for fuel. Deceased members were buried\u00a0there, and thus ancestors and cattle remained interlinked at the heart\u00a0of the home. Houses were distributed around its edge in the area\u00a0between fencing according to hierarchy: the Great House (iNdlunkulu<\/em>)\u00a0stood on that point of the circle opposite the stockade\u00a0entrance, and households derived from the senior wife\u2019s line\u00a0occupied the space known as the right-hand-side,\u00a0while those of lesser wives and their offspring occupied the\u00a0left side of the arc. Each wife had her own\u00a0home that also housed her young children, and sons who married\u00a0built new houses in the household for their own wives and\u00a0children. Men had no particular house of their own, but visited\u00a0their wives\u2019 houses successively.\r\n\r\nLike the homes of most other African pastoralists, older-style\u00a0Zulu houses (indlu<\/em>) were made\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3446\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"613\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 716. Exterior and inner roof of a Zulu indlu<\/em>. Photo by Jean-Erick Pasquier, Orange Free State, South Africa, 1969. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, PP0075781.2.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nof readily available, lightweight\u00a0materials, even after the adoption of farming made settlements more permanent.\u00a0Males dug a trench as a foundation, sinking long saplings\u00a0into it to act as an armature. Bending these saplings, they\u00a0created arcs, tying on other crosspieces to produce a latticed\u00a0dome (Fig. 715). Thatching was applied in fairly short layers (Fig. 716),\u00a0and, if the inhabitant were elderly, additional grass ornaments\u00a0might be added. If the home were large or heavy thatch covered\u00a0its frame, pairs of interior supports with crossbeams ensured its\u00a0shape would remain fairly hemispherical and avoid collapse. At\u00a0the top, some homes had a finial bound off that incorporated\u00a0a medicine against lightning. In the colder Zulu regions,\u00a0woven mats were layered over the exterior thatch for extra insulation.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3447\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"692\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 717. Interior of a Zulu indlu<\/em>, South Africa, ca. 1920-1935. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a0PF0043025. Donor South African Railways.

[\/caption]\r\n\r\nA circumference of nearly\u00a016.5 feet was common, a span large enough to house several\u00a0inhabitants in comfort (Fig. 717). Although regional daytime temperatures\u00a0often stay in the 70s \u02daF, or above, they can fall to the 50s\u00a0\u02daF in winter, or drop at the higher altitudes of this often mountainous\u00a0region. Interiors, therefore, had a central hearth to provide\u00a0warmth, as well as to cook. Smoke could escape through\u00a0the thatching. In the past, when someone died, their home was\u00a0torched, and neighboring structures were either moved in their\u00a0entirety, or the underlying framework was freed of its thatching\u00a0and shifted, even if a short distance.\u00a0<\/span>\r\n\r\nThese kinds of homes were still common through the 1950s, but\u00a0changes occurred. Decades before, maize had become a crop, encouraging\u00a0settlement. Goats joined cattle in the livestock realm,\u00a0and the kraal<\/em> space shrank. The outer stockade was abandoned,\u00a0and granaries were placed near household entrances. Once\u00a0many householders became one-wife Christians, moving from\u00a0house to house no longer was a male option. These effects cumulated\u00a0in smaller households.\r\n\r\nLess thatch was available as\u00a0grassy expanses turned to farmland. In subsequent decades,\u00a0earth or cement replaced fiber in the creation of still-\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3449\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 718. Zulu home with thatched roof. Photo by Steve Slater,\u00a02011. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3450\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 719. Zulu whitewashed house with corrugated metal roof. Photo by Steve McNicholas, 2006. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nround\u00a0homes topped by thatching (Fig. 718). These were usually whitewashed or\u00a0painted in solid colors, unlike contemporary creations\u00a0of Sotho, Ndebele, and other South African groups. Some took\u00a0rectangular forms, which made the inclusion of Western-style\u00a0furniture easier. Zinc roofing\u2019s adoption\u00a0has since become almost ubiquitous (Fig. 719), as it has throughout\u00a0the continent for reasons of status.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3451\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"600\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 720. The Zulu section of Lesedi Cultural Village includes indlu<\/em> built on a past model. The Cultural Village also includes Ndebele, Pedi, Sotho, and Xhosa architectural quarters.\u00a0Sterkfontein, South Africa, Photo by sharonang<\/a>, 2017. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nRural Zulu life and its older manifestations have not totally\u00a0vanished, however; they have become tourist draws. Several villages have\u00a0been erected to recreate a historic lifestyle for visitors, \u00e0 la Williamsburg. At least two are partial reconstructions of the historic\u00a0royal capitals of Shaka\u2019s successors King Dingane and King\u00a0Cetshwayo. Others have been constructed near popular scenic\u00a0sites. A recent Internet tour promotion touts one spot as follows: \"Our first stop is an authentic cultural village where dancers\u00a0perform an ancient dance to the beating of African drums.\u00a0Sample traditionally brewed Zulu beer and watch women craft\u00a0clay pots and intricate Zulu beadwork.\" PheZulu Safari Park offers a village tour with \u201ctraditional beehive\u00a0shaped thatched huts,\u201d as well as Zulu dancing, wildlife\u00a0encounters, a restaurant, and gift shop, while Shakaland is\u00a0billed as \u201cthe oldest \u2018Zulu Cultural Village,\u2019\u201d erected as a set for\u00a0the South African television mini-series Shaka Zulu<\/em> (1986) and\u00a0also used in the 1990 film John Ross<\/em>. Numerous other travelers\u2019\u00a0destinations also keep the past visible (Fig. 720).\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3452\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 721. Isithebe<\/em> eating mat. M. Azulina, Zulu female artist, South Africa, 20th century.\u00a0Reeds, raffia fiber, and cotton string. L\u00a015 7\/16\". Yale Art Gallery,\u00a02006.238.166.\u00a0Gift of Laura and James J. Ross, B.A. 1960. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nInteriors were spare. Different types of mats were used for\u00a0sleeping, as plates for eating (isithebe<\/em>) (Fig. 721), or for sitting.\u00a0Other furnishings were usually limited to headrests, wooden\u00a0milk pails and meat platters, and other containers and implements.\u00a0Goods were usually stored around the perimeter (Fig.\u00a0722), making active use of the space where the building's arc made adult use impossible. Beaded garments and jewelry, as well as\u00a0snuff holders and other personal goods, were often tucked into\u00a0the sapling grid, out of children\u2019s reach.\u00a0Because those with bad intent could use a man\u2019s most intimate\u00a0possessions to cause\u00a0him harm\u2014headrest, attire, eating utensils, mat\u2014only his senior-most wife could touch these objects. The great house\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3454\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"500\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 722. View of a Zulu interior showing cooking utensils, shield, and various household goods. Natal, South Africa. Photo by F. W. Ensor?, 1901\/02. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1998.54.72.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nwithin a compound had\u00a0a curving earthen ledge\u00a0that served as an altar. This\u00a0part of the home was farthest from the entrance, providing a\u00a0dark place that the ancestors found appealing. Ritual\u00a0items were kept there, and it served as a place for communion\u00a0with ancestral spirits. Urban Zulu\u00a0choose a room for this purpose and still store specialized items\u00a0there, such as the spear used for daughters\u2019 coming-of-age ceremonies.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3457\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"650\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 723. A few examples of the wide variety of Zulu coiffures that passed in and out of fashion in the past century. Top left<\/strong>: Zulu married woman, ca. 1900. Wereld Museum, Rotterdam, RV-A293-6.\u00a0CC BY-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>Top center<\/strong>: Zulu married woman. Lake St Lucia area, South Africa, late 19th century. The Wellcome Collection. Creative Commons CC BY. Top right<\/strong>: Zulu woman, South Africa, 1894. Wereld Museum, Rotterdam,\u00a0RV-A15-41. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>\u00a0Bottom left<\/strong>:\u00a0Zulu woman, Durban, South Africa, first half of 20th century. Photo by\u00a0Lynn Acutt.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, PP0150819; cropped at bottom. Bottom center<\/strong>: Zulu man, South Africa, 1894-1896. Photo by Trappistenmission Mariannhill. Bestand Berliner Anthropologische Gesellschaft, im Besitz SMB-PK, Ethnologisches Museum.\u00a0\u00a9 Foto: Ethnologisches Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz,\u00a0VIII A 20528. Creative Commons BY-NC-SA<\/a>. Bottom right<\/strong>: Zulu man, South Africa, ca. 1900.\u00a0Wereld Museum, Rotterdam, \u00a0<\/span><\/strong>RV-A293-1<\/span>. Creative Commons\u00a0\u00a0CC BY-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThe formerly elaborate Zulu hairstyles (Fig. 723) made headrests\u00a0(izigqiki<\/em>) imperative, although they are seldom used today.\u00a0Brides usually brought these to the marriage, although some authors\u00a0state the groom was to provide one for himself and one for\u00a0the new wife, while she would instruct the carver to include specific\u00a0motifs. The designs often mirrored designs on her\u00a0engagement beadwork, which was treasured. When the 19th-century Zulu kingdom\u00a0was active, headrests were highly prized. They might be buried\u00a0with the owner or be handed down as revered--but no longer\u00a0used--heirlooms. Daughters could inherit them and carry them to\u00a0their husband\u2019s house; they remained a concrete tie to their own\u00a0lineage and ancestors.\r\n\r\nThose who lived in the\u00a0core kingdom areas often had\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3458\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 724. Wooden headdress with amasumpa, ornamentation associated with the core Zulu kingdom. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. L 15.75\".\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 73.1999.29.2.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nheadrests sparely decorated with\u00a0amasumpa<\/em>, wooden bumps or \u201cwarts\u201d (Fig. 724), although this\u00a0ornament was not used in other Zulu regions. Numerous styles\u00a0of headrests exist, including many double examples that were\u00a0used when a husband shared his\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3459\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 725. Wooden double headrest. Zulu male artist, South Africa,\u00a01850-1919. L 18 7\/8\". Tropenmuseum,\u00a0TM-4010-29. Creative CommonsCC BY-SA 4.0<\/a><\/span>.


[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3460\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"500\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 726. Zulu headrests that directly allude to cattle. Top<\/strong>:\u00a0Zulu male artist,\u00a0South Africa, before 1870. L 20.08\u201d.\u00a0long. From Yngvar Nielsen, Universitetets Ethnografiske Samlinger 1857-1907<\/em> (Christiana\/Oslo: W.C. Fabritius & Sonner A\/S, <\/span>1907): 138. Public domain. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. W 25\".\u00a0\u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1934,0712.6. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>

[\/caption]\r\n\r\nwife\u2019s house (Fig. 725). The rounded uprights\u00a0on some izigqiki<\/em> (Fig. 726) are meant\u00a0to evoke cattle legs, and thus the herd and cattle\u2019s ability to connect\u00a0with the ancestors. Other headrests have tails or legs that also suggest cows (Fig. 727). These cattle allusions may also refer to ancestral-inspired dreams produced when sleeping. The intensive\u00a0trade and tribute that took place within the nineteenth century\u00a0resulted in a variety of styles (Fig.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3461\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"580\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 727. Three wooden headrests. Top<\/strong>: Zulu or Swazi male artist, South Africa, 19th century. W 12.99\". Photo by Claudia Obrocki. Sammlung: Ethnologisches Museum | Afrika.\u00a0\u00a9 Foto: Ethnologisches Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz,\u00a0III D 1366. Creative Commons\u00a0BY-NC-SA<\/a>. Middle<\/strong>: Headrest with built-in compartment. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. W 12.2\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954,+23.1845.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, 1860-1869. W 23.82\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.2183.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3462\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"416\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 728.\u00a0Wooden headrests. Top<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1890. W 11.22\". Wereld Museum Rotterdam, RV-803-20. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Top middle<\/strong>:\u00a0 Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1890. W 13.39\".\u00a0 Wereld Museum Rotterdam, RV-803-24.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom middle<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, probably 19th century. W 18,11\". Etnografiska museet\u00a0<\/span>1907.14.0188. Creative Commons CC BY<\/a>. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, probably 19th century. W 18.19\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.1843.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n728), some created by subject peoples.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3464\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 729. Three ithunga<\/em> milk containers. Zulu male artists, South Africa. Left<\/strong>: Late 19th\/early 20th century. H 17.05\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1934,1201.2.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Middle<\/strong>: 20th century. H 16.75\u201d.\u00a0Cleveland State University, 2002.10. Gift of William B. Simmons. Right<\/strong>: Wood with metal stand. Late 19th\/early 20th century. H 19.29\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954,+23.606.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.
<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3466\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"500\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 730. Wooden spoon. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 20th century. L 14\u201d. Brooklyn Museum, John W. James Fund, 1996.113.9. Creative Commons CC-<\/a>BY<\/a>. Brooklyn Museum photograph, 2013.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nMany other household objects also have connections to\u00a0cattle, for milk products are an essential part of the Zulu diet,\u00a0as they are for many pastoralists. Raw milk is usually avoided,\u00a0however. Cattle handling is a male activity, since married\u00a0women are most closely associated with a polluted ritual state\u00a0that makes cattle, people and plants vulnerable to\u00a0illness and death. Girls may interact with family\u00a0cattle, as long as they are not menstruating,\u00a0but boys do the milking, using wooden milk containers (ithunga<\/em>) (Fig. 729) as temporary receptacles. These are ordered by the male heads of households. Some are footed; others\u00a0bear amasumpa<\/em> or even breasts. The ithunga<\/em> is symbolically\u00a0female, but women are not allowed to touch them; girls singing\u00a0at coming-of-age ceremonies compare it to the vagina. The extrusions at the side allow a better grip between the\u00a0knees during the process. After milking, the boys then transfer\u00a0the liquid to calabashes or hide containers to ferment, overturning\u00a0the wooden pail to dry. Subsequently,\u00a0the milk separates into thin and clotted liquids\u2014whey\u00a0and curds. The latter are known as amasi<\/em>, curdled sour milk,\u00a0similar to cottage cheese or yogurt. The word amasi<\/em> is incorporated\u00a0into the descriptive names of certain whitish Nguni cattle:\u00a0inkomo engamasi evutshiwe<\/em>, or \u201cripe milk\u201d.\u00a0Amasi<\/em> still can only be shared with those who are blood relatives\u00a0of the householder, thus excluding women who have married\u00a0into the family. Ritual prohibitions\u00a0also disallow amasi<\/em> consumption during menstruation or\u00a0mourning, as well as during the girls\u2019 seclusion period for coming-of-age ceremonies. Amasi<\/em> is popular\u00a0among many South African groups, and commercial dairies produce pasteurized versions today.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3467\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"209\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 731. Wooden spoon. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. L 21.46\". \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1977.52.14.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nCommercial goods have displaced most wooden and terracotta\u00a0cooking and serving vessels, with imported iron cooking\u00a0pots already staple goods in the late nineteenth century.\u00a0The basic Zulu diet consisted of milk products, boiled porridge, and cooked greens. Ladies were used for cooking and serving.\u00a0Long-handled spoons for eating amasi<\/em> from\u00a0a communal terracotta bowl\u00a0were once essential, but\u00a0amasi<\/em> is now more often drunk directly or poured over corn meal\u00a0(\u201cmealie-meal\u201d) pap. Spoons were valued, carefully kept in a\u00a0dedicated bag, personal to their owner. Most eating\u00a0spoons have a bowl that meets the stem at a sharp angle, with\u00a0very small sections of decoration on the latter (Fig. 730). A few are figurative,\u00a0with an elongated female figure acting as the handle (Fig. 731). Even non-figurative spoons may allude to a woman\u2019s\u00a0body, their pointed bowls like a head with a desirable pointed\u00a0chin, inclined in the respectful pose women take with their inlaws.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3468\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 732. Wooden meat tray. Zulu male artist, South Africa, late 19th\/early 20th century. W 19.69\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.608. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nBeef was a fairly infrequent addition to the Zulu diet, but\u00a0cattle and goats were slaughtered for feasts honoring the ancestors.\u00a0Pouring beer over the goats' backs in advance signified\u00a0their dedication to the dead, as\u00a0beer had ancestral associations. Men roasted the meat, which\u00a0was served on wooden platters. Those platters from\u00a0the core Zulu areas once ruled by Shaka often included amasumpa<\/em>\u00a0projections (Fig. 732), as did some headrests and milk pails. The platters\u00a0stand on low legs, and sometimes the amasumpa<\/em>\u00a0were placed on the underside, where they would have been almost\u00a0invisible to diners. Their decoration, however, would become evident when\u00a0the platters were hung by their usual lugs, or when one platter\u00a0was inverted over another to keep meat warm or ward off flies.\u00a0Fat is often applied to the wood, as well as draining onto it, so dull examples were probably never used.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3469\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 733. Beer-skimming ladle made from the leaves of the wild date palm. Zulu, South Africa, 1960-1969. L 12.6\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.3127. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nIf meat was most commonly consumed during ancestral\u00a0festivities, traditional beer\u00a0made from sorghum was\u00a0even more closely associated with them. Homemade beer is still a vital\u00a0part of Zulu culture. Women are typically brewers, and legend\u00a0states that Nomkhubulwane, the Zulu goddess in charge of\u00a0women\u2019s farming and growth, first taught them the technique.\u00a0Women also use clay from her earth to create the pottery necessary\u00a0for proper preparation and serving of this nutritious,\u00a0grain-based drink, which is only about 2% alcohol. Large natural-colored pots rubbed on the outside with cattle dung serve\u00a0as vats, and are placed in a family brewery, a small\u00a0dedicated building kept warm to promote fermentation. Brewing\u00a0takes from three to seven days, and basketry caps cover the\u00a0vats during the process in order to keep out dust and insects.\u00a0Afterward, the beer is strained through fiber bags and woven\u00a0skimmers\u00a0remove any flotsam from the\u00a0grain (Fig. 733). Though most Zulu women know how to make\u00a0beer, those considered to have \u201ctasteful hands\u201d are sought to\u00a0produce the drink for special celebrations.\u00a0Beer is linked to hospitality, and drinking is tightly tied to\u00a0social and ceremonial life\u2014it is brewed for babies\u2019 naming ceremonies,\u00a0coming-of-age ceremonies, dispute settlements, weddings, and funerals. Beer is also sacred. Women who are not ritually\u00a0pure\u2014pregnant, menstruating or breast-feeding\u2014cannot\u00a0prepare it. At the end of the brewing process, the vat is placed\u00a0on a raised altar to the ancestors in the dark recesses dedicated\u00a0to them at the back of the main compound home. Ancestors\u00a0also have a pot that always contains a small amount of\u00a0beer at their disposal. Drinking takes place at ground level and\u00a0serving vessels stay there as well, to honor the ancestors buried\u00a0there by dropping fresh beer\u2019s skimmed foam to the ground next\u00a0to the pot as an offering. Ancestors are\u00a0themselves sociable, and grow annoyed if the household doesn\u2019t\u00a0hold feasts with beer and meat, for those occasions are held in\u00a0their honor and enhance their posthumous reputation.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3471\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 734. Incised decoration on a beer pot. Zulu female artist, South Africa, 20th century.\u00a0Cleveland State University, 2002.12. Gift of William\u00a0B. Simmons.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3473\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"368\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 735. Terracotta beer transport pot (uphiso). Zulu female artist, South Africa, early 20th century. H 14.5\u201d. Cleveland State University, 2002.12. Gift of William B. Simmons.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nThe decorative raised bumps (amasumpa<\/em>) that occur on\u00a0wooden containers appear even more frequently on pots, sparingly\u00a0placed in asymmetric clusters that often conform to geometric\u00a0shapes, such as triangles, circles or six-pointed stars.\u00a0Some scholars associate their patterns with long-abandoned\u00a0young women\u2019s abdominal scarifications, whose location intentionally\u00a0conjures thoughts of fecundity. Others link them to\u00a0cows' teats or to herds, symbols of nourishment and wealth respectively.\u00a0Incised decoration on pottery is also common, and\u00a0both approaches generally appear on a pot\u2019s \u201cshoulder\u201d (Fig. 734). The dark color of most serving vessels further\u00a0associates them with family forebears, who are said to prefer\u00a0darkness, and only black vessels are used at ritual ceremonies\u00a0for the ancestral protection they suggest. These pots\u2019 distinctive finish is achieved by first burnishing\u00a0them with a pebble, reducing oxidation during the open pit firing\u00a0(which employs cattle dung as well as wood) by using leaves or\u00a0grass, then applying soot, ash, and cattle fat to the completed\u00a0terracotta and refiring it. Both dung and fat call the ancestors\u00a0to mind as well, since all cattle products are linked to the family\u00a0dead.\u00a0Zulu pottery is known for its extremely thin walls and graceful\u00a0form. Pots with necks (uphiso<\/em>) (Fig. 735) are used to transport\u00a0beer for celebrations to minimize spillage (Fig. 736), and leaves are\u00a0sometimes stuffed into the neck as a further preventative.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3472\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 736. Two women carrying beer containers on heads at a wedding ceremony. Zulu, near Pietermaritzburg, South Africa, 1905.\u00a0Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1999.11.14. Creative Commons \u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3474\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"500\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 737. Terracotta ukhamba<\/em> beer container with woven fiber lid (imbenge<\/em>). Zulu female artist, South Africa, early 20th century. H 8.75\u201d. Cleveland State University, 2002.04 and 2002.05. Gift of William B. Simmons.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nDepending\u00a0on the gathering, a fairly large pot may be placed inside\u00a0a ring of guests, who are then served with a ladle, or individual\u00a0vessels may be distributed. People use neckless pots (ukhamba<\/em>)\u00a0to drink from, and basketry caps (imbenge<\/em>) protect their contents\u00a0(Fig. 737). Once drinking begins, an upturned cap indicates\u00a0a refill is requested.\u00a0These vessels are not changeless. Excavations suggest that\u00a0blackened beer vessels emerged in the mid-nineteenth century,\u00a0and were preceded by tightly-woven beer baskets\u2014also still manufactured. In more recent times, amasumpa<\/em> decorations\u00a0spell out words or form recognizable motifs, and are\u00a0not individually attached as they once were. Instead, in order to\u00a0save time, a raised band is applied to the pot and sliced with a\u00a0knife for a similar, but time-saving, effect.\u00a0Although most Zulu pot types once used for cooking and serving\u00a0food have long been replaced by manufactured goods, those\u00a0linked to beer are still crafted, underlining the ritual aspects of\u00a0the traditional brew. Production has also expanded to fill the\u00a0demands of non-brewing patrons, who buy works for display\u00a0purposes and internationally promote the work of select master\u00a0potters.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3475\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 738. Tightly-woven basket. Zulu, South Africa, 20th century. H 16.93\".\u00a0Etnografiska museet\u00a0<\/span>1981.21.0002. Creative Commons CC-BY<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nZulu pottery constitutes one art form that has continued\u00a0into the twentieth century, but not only because of continued\u00a0home brewing with its social and ritual aspects. Recognition\u00a0from the South African art world has led to an elevation for potters.\u00a0Their works are now displayed in galleries and museums,\u00a0and the potters\u2019 names are now recorded, their work discussed\u00a0and emulated, inspiring academically-trained artists who did\u00a0not grow up with this tradition, such as Ian Garrett. On a smaller scale, similar accolades are now\u00a0showered on basketmakers. Men used to produce baskets and\u00a0mats, but missionary influence shifted fiber crafts to women,\u00a0following European patterns. By the 1970s, production of intricate beer baskets (Fig. 738) had nearly\u00a0ceased, but a revival and expansion have since taken place. As\u00a0in Botswana, the new baskets are rarely used, although they are\u00a0functional. They have become display pieces for non-Zulu, rather\u00a0than household objects, and artists vie with one another to\u00a0create patterns far more intricate than anything made a century\u00a0ago.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3476\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"500\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 739. Four women's calabash snuff containers with brass or copper wire decoration. Top left<\/strong>: Zulu, South Africa, late 19th\/early 20th century. H 2.36\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.1470. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Top right<\/strong>: Zulu or Sotho, South Africa, before\u00a01890. H 2.48\". Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-803-39l.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom right<\/strong>:\u00a0Zulu, South Africa, before 1891. H 2.95\".\u00a0Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-837-1.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom left<\/strong>: Zulu, South Africa, before 1891. H 1.97\". Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-837-5. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>.
<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nMost other household and personal items have gone\u00a0through a lot of changes, unsurprising considering the multiple\u00a0political and social upheavals of the past century and a half.\u00a0Although Zulu snuff-taking is still prevalent, the intricate and\u00a0varied containers and implements associated with its past use\u00a0have vanished. The Zulu state that snuff heightens awareness.\u00a0Non-tobacco snuffs can be used for medicinal purposes\u2014the\u00a0powdered bark of the umkwangu<\/em> tree and the powdered root of\u00a0iyeza<\/em> (Anemone caffra<\/em>) both cure headaches.\u00a0Most snuff-taking did employ tobacco, however, in the form of a\u00a0fine, dry powder meant to be inhaled with a subsequent sneeze.\u00a0A common offering to the ancestors, it had\u00a0a ritual dimension as well as a secular one.\u00a0Snuff-taking was most often a social activity, and the public\u00a0use of implements provided opportunities to display taste and\u00a0wealth. Both men and women kept snuff on their person. Women\u00a0used small bead or wire-decorated gourds Fig. 739), while men tended to use horn containers that were often made to be tucked into a gauged earlobe or perform\u00a0double duty as hair\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3477\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"500\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 740. Bone snuff spoons. Zulu male artists, South Africa. Top<\/strong>: Bone or horn snuff-spoon\/comb with red sealing wax fill. Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1909. L 5.71\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1953,25.50. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. <\/span>Middle<\/strong>: Bone snuff spoon. Zulu artist, South Africa, probably 20th century. L\u00a06 9\/16\".\u00a0\u00a9\u00a0Princeton University Art Museum<\/a>, 1998-678. Bequest of John B. Elliott, Class of 1951.\u00a0Bottom<\/strong>: Double horn snuff spoon on a glass-beaded necklace. 1880-1915.\u00a0Science Museum Group Collection<\/a>,\u00a0A658314. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3479\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 742. This wooden container's lid is missing. Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1865. H 15.35\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.1559.a. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nornaments. These were not necessarily singular objects\u2014several nearly identical, delicately-carved versions have survived\u00a0the past century. Men and women\u2019s hair was also the site\u00a0of snuff spoons, carved from bone in an extensive\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3483\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"182\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 741. Zulu man holding horn snuff spoon, South Africa, ca. 1865. Photo by Benjamin William Caney, Durban. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1998.67.8. Creative Commons \u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nassortment\u00a0of shapes (Fig. 740), some with C-shaped bowls, others with\u00a0zig-zagging stems. Although these were used to convey snuff to\u00a0the nostrils (Fig. 741), many were comb-shaped in order to fix them more\u00a0securely in the hair. Some larger wooden containers, formerly thought to be milk vessels, may have held snuff at gatherings, or were commissioned by Europeans (Fig. 742). None of these items are made any longer,\u00a0since commercial snuff containers easily fit in the purses or\u00a0pockets that formerly didn\u2019t exist.\r\n\r\nZulu dolls were also often carried, but by young women as\u00a0meaningful display pieces, rather than toys. Over a core of wood or cloth, early 20th century dolls were cylindrical,\u00a0covered with beaded patterns except for their featureless faces (Fig. 743).\u00a0Hair was represented by fiber or beaded strands in a style once\u00a0popular with unmarried girls, similar to that now worn by female\u00a0ritual specialists. Although childless women sometimes\u00a0carried them, hoping to induce pregnancy, these were usually the property of teenagers. The\u00a0dolls were\u00a0frequently attached to cording that allowed them to\u00a0hang over the shoulder. Young women offered their dolls\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3480\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 743. Zulu doll made from beads, a calabash, and raffia, South Africa,\u00a01900-1950. H\u00a09 5\/8\". Detroit Institute of Arts, 76.81. Founders Society Purchase, Eleanor Clay Ford Fund for African Art. Public domain.

[\/caption]\r\n\r\nto boys\u00a0to initiate romantic relationships, but this token of affection only\u00a0bound the giver, not the receiver. Over the course of the twentieth\u00a0century, the dolls grew much larger, gaining beaded facial\u00a0features and hats. After apartheid was instituted in 1948, travel\u00a0restrictions prevented young women from visiting sweethearts\u00a0working in the cities. Instead, they often had studio photographs\u00a0taken of themselves with their dolls, sending the photographs\u00a0instead, a practice that continued until apartheid\u2019s end in 1994. Zulu doll use is part of a widespread\u00a0southern African practice that includes the Sotho, Xhosa, Tsonga, and others.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3482\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 744. Two wooden prepuce covers.\u00a0Zulu; South Africa, before 1883. L 2.76\".\u00a0 Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-389-110.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nIn the nineteenth century, clothing varied according to age,\u00a0marital status, and social rank. Despite the frequently chilly\u00a0weather, many Zulu men and women at this time wore dress\u00a0that frequently left them with bare chests, arms, and legs. Standards\u00a0of modesty required maidens to bare their breasts, while\u00a0all males who had reached puberty wore prepuce covers over the glans of their penis.\u00a0These varied in shape and material, made of basketry, banana\u00a0leaves, calabash, leather or wood; fiber examples usually belonged\u00a0to married men. They usually took\u00a0either a cup-like or globular shape (Fig. 744), but were usually\u00a0hidden by a loincloth of animal tails or pelts. While exposure of\u00a0the penis as a whole was not considered an embarrassment\u2014indeed, younger men occasionally wore naught but the penis\u00a0cover\u2014an exposed glans and prepuce were tantamount to vulgarity.\u00a0The monarch Shaka required two European men resident\u00a0in his domain to wear these covers, even though they wore trousers. Absence of a prepuce cover left the wearer\u00a0vulnerable to evil intentions and supernatural tampering, which\u00a0could also occur if the cover were handled by another. Normally,\u00a0they were destroyed at the owner\u2019s death.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3485\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"483\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 745. Zulu warrior, South Africa, 1840s. In George French Angas,\u00a0from\u00a0The Kafirs illustrated in a series of drawings taken among the Amazulu, Amaponda and Amakosa tribes<\/em>\u00a0(London: J. Hogarth, 1849). Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nDaily\u00a0dress contrasted sharply with a warrior\u2019s formal attire, which\u00a0included feathers that added height (Fig. 745). In the late nineteenth century, men\u2019s rural styles were relatively\u00a0independent of European directions. They wore a variety\u00a0of hairstyles when young, replacing them as married men with a\u00a0beeswax and sinew-coated fiber ring sewn into the hair\u00a0(Fig.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3486\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 746. Necklace made from carved bone, glass beads, and sinew. Zulu or Northern Nguni, South Africa, 19th century. L 15\".\u00a0Cleveland Museum of Art, 2010.231. Gift of Dori and Daniel Rootenberg in memory of Estelle Rosenberg. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n741). After the 1879 defeat of the Zulu kingdom,\u00a0all important adult men could wear necklaces made from\u00a0imitation lion\u2019s claws\u00a0 (Fig. 746). These had also\u00a0been worn by other Nguni groups, but were formerly restricted\u00a0to royal use, then to regional chiefs and\u00a0counselors. Like other South African men in the nineteenth century,\u00a0Zulu males carried knobkerries (Fig. 747), wooden clubs that\u00a0served as close-quarters weapons for fighting or hunting game.\u00a0The British banned large examples, insisting in the Cape area\u00a0that the knob must be small enough for the owner\u2019s mouth to\u00a0contain it, while in Natal their numbers were restricted. They continued to be male accessories, even\u00a0as the warrior ethos was restricted. Handed\u00a0down from father to son, and became heirlooms that had a\u00a0ritual focus. Under\u00a0twentieth-century apartheid, urban migrants risked arrest for\u00a0carrying them, but members of urban ethnic associations did so\u00a0anyway when carrying them to Sunday boxing matches. Night\u00a0watchmen were permitted to use them, and employed more colorful\u00a0telephone wire to braid patterns onto the sticks and knobs.\r\n\r\nChange has greatly affected Zulu dress. Urban migrants adopted Western dress, although ethnic affiliations continued to appear\u00a0in twentieth-century\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3487\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 747. Ritual specialists with a knobkerrie. Zulu, South Africa, ca. 1865. Photo by Fry & Co., Durban. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1998.67.4. Creative Commons \u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3488\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 748. This Western-style vest with plastic buttons was covered with seed beads in geometric patterns. Zulu female artist, South Africa, 20th century? \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, 2011,2045.1. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nphotographs via accessories or beaded attire,\u00a0which might include a band added by a wife or girlfriend to\u00a0purchased clothing, or completely beaded vests (Fig. 748).\u00a0Today, most Zulu\u00a0men and women wear sweaters, trousers, skirts, knit caps, and\u00a0other manufactured clothing, though ceremonial occasions and\u00a0events encouraging ethnic pride require dress based on earlier\u00a0fashions. In general, however, Christianity and the expectations\u00a0of former white rulers imposed absolute shifts from exposure\u00a0to a more covered body in the city, and influenced rural areas as\u00a0well. Under apartheid, however, oppositional use of traditional\u00a0dress became a form of political subversion, and studio portraits\u00a0often showed girls in traditional beadwork and uncovered\u00a0breasts up until the early 1990s (Fig. 749).\u00a0Younger men wore (and continue\u00a0to wear) beadwork made by admiring females. These love\u00a0gifts could not be presented to prospective boyfriends until a girl\u00a0had gained permission from her seniors to enter into courtship\u00a0relations. Girls made them themselves, using glass imported\u00a0glass beads. The popular rectangular-tabbed \u201clove letters\u201d include coded messages, although their use is idiosyncratic and colors\u00a0are uncodified (Fig. 750).\u00a0Locally-made beads from ostrich shells, bone, and other organic\u00a0materials had decorated clothing and persons for several\u00a0millennia.\r\n\r\nEuropean bead importation increased significantly\u00a0in the mid-19th century, transforming Zulu\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3489\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"350\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 749. \"Woman with umbrella and handkerchief<\/a>,\" 1960-early 1980s. Zulu photographer Richard Ndimande's studio photograph, collected by Frank Jolles. Special and Area Studies Collections, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nclothing and ornamentation\u00a0as beads became more readily available. These seed\u00a0beads\u2014the same time used by Native Americans\u2014\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3490\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 750. Left<\/strong>: Zulu man wearing beaded \"love letters,\" South Africa, ca. 1951.\u00a0
Tropenmuseum, TM-10004293. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Right top<\/strong>: Zulu, South Africa, 20th century. H 2.76\". Afrika Museum Berg en Dal, AM-1-223. Donor\u00a0Congregatie van de Heilige Geest (CSSp.). Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Right bottom:\u00a0Zulu, South Africa, 20th century. W 4.12\". Collected by H.K. Wagner.\u00a0Ethnologisches Museum | Afrika.\u00a0\u00a9 Foto: Ethnologisches Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin - Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz,\u00a0III D 4615. Creative Commons BY-NC-SA<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nintensified\u00a0color in the dress of many southern Africa groups, and were a\u00a0staple of women\u2019s art. In the mid-nineteenth century, women\u2019s\u00a0dress was made primarily from cow leather or goatskin (Fig. 751), or even from fiber (Fig. 752). Betrothal accorded young women the right to wear hide skirts; longer versions were scented and restricted to married\u00a0women. Beaded accessories\u00a0indicated wealth in the 19th century, since imported beads were still expensive\u00a0at that time. Early beadwork was striking but limited in scope; beaded\u00a0headbands and necklaces, flowers, and even porcupine quills\u00a0drew attention to the face. As beads became increasingly available,\u00a0female dress grew\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3491\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 751. Zulu women wearing hide skirts and brewing beer near the Tugala River, South Africa, 1840s. From George French Angas,\u00a0The Kafirs illustrated in a series of drawings taken among the Amazulu, Amaponda and Amakosa tribes<\/em>\u00a0(London: J. Hogarth, 1849). Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3493\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 752. Fiber apron. Zulu, South Africa, 1860-1869. W 18.35\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.3087. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\nincreasingly complex. Varying according\u00a0to region, a series of decorated aprons or caches-sexe (Fig. 753) became de rigueur, as did leg decorations, belts, and\u00a0other ornamentation. Girls also made necklaces of the \u201clove letter\u201d\u00a0type for their own use, and wore other kinds of jewelry as\u00a0well, such as necklaces from scented strips of wood, separated\u00a0by spacer beads (Fig. 754).\r\n\r\nOver time, both Zulu accessories and dress continued to change. Plugs for gauged ears grew popular ca. 1950, then dropped out of fashion by about 1990 (Fig. 755). Dark manufactured cloths with minor\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3492\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"2244\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 753. Beaded apron. Zulu female artist, South Africa, early 20th century. W 38.2\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.197. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3497\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"400\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 754. Necklaces like this made from scented wood are in numerous collections. Zulu woman, South Africa, ca. 1896. Photo by Otto Witt. Ethnografiska Museet, 0010.0016. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nbeaded motifs became de rigeur for married women (Fig. 756) and are still worn. Festival and daily dress often also include printed shweshwe<\/em>\u00a0cloths, formerly imported from Europe and now manufactured\u00a0in South Africa.\r\n\r\nWomen\u2019s hairstyles reflected marital status. By the late\u00a0nineteenth century, wives\u2019 coiffures\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3498\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 755. Ear plugs made from two wooden pieces with plastic and leather additions. Zulu, South Africa, 1960s-1970s. D for most 2.2\" \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1999,05.7.a-b. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3499\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"350\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 756. More recent \"traditional\" clothing employs dark manufactured cloth with limited beading. Top<\/strong>: Touristic performance at Zulu Nyala outside Johannesburg, South Africa, 2014. Photo by triciahealey. Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. Middle<\/strong>: Woman's cloak with beaded motifs. Zulu female artist, South Africa, late 20th century. W 33.25\". Minneapolis Institute of Art, 91.84. The Ethel Morrison Van Derlip Fund. Public domain. Bottom<\/strong>: Apron with beaded motifs worn the back. Zulu female artist, South Africa, ca. 1974. W 50\". \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1997; 06.231. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>[\/caption]\r\n\r\n(isicholo<\/em>) were vertically\u00a0 extended with the addition of woven grasses or false hair into\u00a0a conical shape with a basketry armature, held by a mix of pomade\u00a0and red ochre, with headbands at the sometimes shaved hairline. The turn of\u00a0the century saw a gradual transformation of this hairstyle into a\u00a0hat\/wig of the same name, its shape varying according to district.\u00a0In the Tugela Ferry area, its shape was shallow and broadly\u00a0flared, while in some regions it became cylindrical. At\u00a0first it had a basketry base\u00a0overlaid with a hair and string netting,\u00a0covered with the red ochre pomade; red yarn was used subsequently\u00a0as well. In order to\u00a0maintain their shape, leaves were often stuffed into the edges of\u00a0the isicholo\u00a0<\/em>(Fig. 757). Initially fairly plain, sometimes beaded bands were\u00a0added in the twentieth century, and color range expanded. Today\u00a0these are no longer daily wear for most women, but may\u00a0appear for festive occasions, accompanied by beaded headbands (Fig. 756 top).\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3503\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"450\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 757. From a 19th-century flared hairstyle, the isicholo<\/em> transformed into a married woman's hat--first with real hair, then with fiber and wool, all covered with red ochre. It now comes in a variety of colors. Top<\/strong>: Zulu woman between Greytown and Dundee, South Africa, 1970. Tropenmuseum TM-20014801. Creative Commons. Second from top<\/strong>: Zulu hat, South Africa, early 20th century. D 12\". Detroit Institute of Arts, 2019.8. Gift of Dede and Oscar Feldman. Public domain. Third from top<\/strong>: Zulu hat with metal additions, Msinga region, South Africa, ca. 1940. D 15.75\". \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 70.1999.11.180. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu hat, South Africa, 20th century. Hair, raffia, pigment. D 16\". Minneapolis Institute of Art, 97.7.1. Gift of Funds from the Regis Foundation. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nZulu arts were originally sleek and geometric, permeated all phases of daily life. In part, this was possible because cattle herders have a substantial amount of free time to make objects. A shift to urban life and salaried jobs robbed many Zulu of that leisure, and changes in lifestyle made many prestige objects used by aristocrats unnecessary.\r\n\r\nNew arts arose, however. Introduced by British immigrant Sir Marshall Campbell in 1892, rickshaws began transporting Durban citizens, with Zulu men working as pullers. At that time, the rickshaws were not owned by the pullers, and their appearance was plain. Competition among the pullers was considerable; in 1904, over 2000 pullers were government-registered. This created a need to stand out, and they began to both decorate their rickshaws and wear headpieces that featured bovine horns. At first, these were fairly simple (Fig. 758), but as the century advanced, so did their complexity (Fig. 759). Feathers--part of traditional Zulu male headgear--were added, and new beaded attire was invented.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3505\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 758. Zulu men adorned with horns posed by their rickshaws. One has whitewashed and patterned calves and feet in imitation of schoolgirls' kneesocks. Durban, South Africa, 1890-1923. Library of Congress, cph.3a40978. Frank and Frances Carpenter Collection. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nAs car ownership increased, there was little practical need for rickshaws. Today, there are only about twenty pullers, usually stationed at hotels or the beach for short tourist trips or photo opportunities. In 2011, the poor condition of many of the rickshaws and puller attire led to a collaborative project between Durban's Rickshaw Pullers Association and the staff and students of Workspace, part of the\u00a0Department of Visual\u00a0Communication Design at Durban University of Technology, with the support of municipal authorities. This was intended to both provide a facelift for the rickshaws and their position as a unique aspect of local artistry, and to familiarize graphic designers with Zulu design.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3508\" align=\"alignright\" width=\"420\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 759. Rickshaw pullers' headpieces. Zulu, Durban, South Africa. Top<\/strong>: Headpiece has a metal and wooden framework and is made of cotton-covered leather with beadwork, pompoms, mirrored cardboard ornaments, ostrich feathers, and painted wooden horns. Worn with tunic with beaded panels, waist garment, and apron; cloth, mirrors, beadwork, plastic, pompoms, fringe, cotton tape. H of headdress 44.88\". Before 1996. Af1996,20.1.a-d. Bottom<\/strong>: Headdress made from feathers, beads, fiber, horn; worn with cape. Zulu, Durban, South Africa, 20th century. H 64\". Minneapolis Institute of Art. 73.14a,b. The Christina N. and Swan J. Turnblad Memorial Fund. Public domain.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nAnother new direction for traditional arts has opened up with an international interest in\u00a0Zulu basketry.\u00a0In the 19th century, plain woven grass baskets gave way to examples with wire ornamentation in brass and\u00a0copper. Versions decorated with beads, buttons, keys and other\u00a0materials emerged in the early 20th century, followed by examples made solely\u00a0from colorful telephone wire. Men make many sizes and shapes of wire baskets, but one of the most popular forms consists of an enlarged and inverted wire\u00a0imbenge<\/em>, which has become\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3509\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 760. Shallow basket made of telephone wire. Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1991. D 8.86\".\u00a0
\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1991.189.2.[\/caption]\r\n\r\na\u00a0shallow\u00a0basket,\u00a0rather than a beer pot lid (Fig. 760).\r\n\r\nBeading has provided Zulu women with new economic and artistic opportunities.\u00a0High-end necklaces that mimic the shapes of some traditional jewelry are sold in fashionable shops, their colors and patterns departing from older ornaments.\u00a0Beaded bands and necklaces for tourists are a frequent market sight (Fig. 761), as are dolls and \"love letters.\" Some of the latter incorporate the red ribbon symbol that signifies HIV\/AIDS awareness, since South Africa\u00a0has the highest HIV rate in\u00a0the world,\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3511\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"300\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 761. Touristic beadwork includes representations of the South African flag. Zulu female artists,\u00a0Essenwood Market, Durban, South Africa 2007. Photo by\u00a0ethekwinigirl. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC 2.0<\/a>.[\/caption]\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3510\" align=\"alignleft\" width=\"237\"]\"\"<\/a> Fig. 762. Cloth-covered wooden crucifix with beaded Christ, his body bearing 8 AIDS ribbons. Zulu female artist, South Africa, 2002. H 19.76. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af2002,07.4. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/span>

[\/caption]\r\n\r\naffecting 7.1 million people. The ribbon even shows up in some three-dimensional work, including a commissioned crucifix (Fig. 762).\u00a0<\/span>\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n \r\n
\r\n

Further Reading<\/h3>\r\nArmstrong, Juliet. \u201cCeremonial Beer Pots and their Uses.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds.\u00a0Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past\u00a0<\/em>and Present<\/em>, pp. 414-417. New York: Columbia University\u00a0Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nArmstrong, Juliet and Ian Calder. \u201cTraditional Zulu Pottery.\u201d In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed.\u00a0Zulu treasures: of kings and\u00a0<\/em>commoners: a celebration of the material culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp.\u00a0107-114.\u00a0 Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and Local\u00a0History Museums, 1996.\r\n\r\nArnoldi, Mary Jo and Christine Mullen Kreamer. Crowning Achievements: African Arts of\u00a0Dressing the Head<\/em>. Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1995.\r\n\r\nBerzock, Kathleen Bickford. For Hearth and Altar: African Ceramics from the Keith Achepohl\u00a0Collection<\/em>. New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press for The Art Institute of\u00a0Chicago, 2005.\r\n\r\nBiermann, Barrie. \u201cIndlu: The Domed Dwelling of the Zulu.\u201d In Ed. Paul Oliver.\u00a0Shelter in Africa,<\/em> pp. 96-105.\u00a0London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1971.\r\n\r\nCameron, Elisabeth with a contribution by Doran H. Ross. Isn\u2019t S\/he a Doll? Play and Ritual in\u00a0<\/em>African Sculpture.<\/em> Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History 1996.\r\n\r\nCarton, Benedict; John Laband and Jabulani Sithole, eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and\u00a0<\/em>Present<\/em>. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nConnor, Michael. \u201cThe 19th Century Nguni Prepuce Cover: A Vanished Aesthetic Locus.\u201d\u00a033rd Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association. Baltimore, 1990. Accessed July\u00a028, 2013, http:\/\/www.ezakwantu.com\/Gallery_Penis_Cover_Prepuce_Cover.htm.\r\n\r\nConru, Kevin. The Art of Southeast Africa from the Conru Collection<\/em>. Milan: 5 Continents, 2002.\r\n\r\nDewey, William J. Sleeping Beauties<\/em>. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1993.\r\n\r\nDouglas Dawson Gallery. Ukhamba: Masterworks of Zulu Potters<\/em>. Chicago: Douglas Dawson,\u00a02006.\r\n\r\nFowler, Kent D. \u201cClassification and collapse: the ethnohistory of Zulu ceramic use.\u201d Southern\u00a0<\/em>African Humanities<\/em> 18 (2, 2006): 93\u2013117.\r\n\r\nGatfield, Rowan. \"Walking with Dignity: The Durban Rickshaw Renovation Project<\/a>.\" Durban, 2012.\r\n\r\nde Haas, Mary. \u201cBeer.\u201d In Ubumba: aspects of indigenous ceramics in KwaZulu-Natal<\/em>, pp. 13-17;\u00a0124-129; 141-147. Pietermaritzburg, SA: Tatham Art Gallery, 1998.\r\n\r\nHammond-Tooke, W. D. \u201cCattle Symbolism in Zulu Culture.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds.\u00a0Zulu Identities: Being Zulu,\u00a0<\/em>Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 62-68.\u00a0 New York: Columbia University\u00a0Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nHooper, Lindsay. \u201cDomestic Arts: Carved Wooden Objects in the Home.\u201d In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed.\u00a0Zulu treasures: of\u00a0<\/em>kings and commoners: a celebration of the material culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>,\u00a0pp. 73-79.\u00a0 Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and\u00a0Local History Museums, 1996.\r\n\r\nJolles, Frank. \u201cZulu Beer Vessels.\u201d In Stefan\u00a0Eisenhofer, ed.\u00a0Spuren des Regenbogens: Kunst und Leben im s\u00fcdlich\u00a0Afrika\/Tracing the Rainbow: Art and Life in Southern Africa<\/em>, pp. 306-319. Linz: Arnoldsche\/Land Oberosterreich, 2001.\r\n\r\nJolles, Frank. African Dolls: The Dulger-Collection<\/em>. Stuttgart: Arnoldsche, 2010.\r\n\r\nJolles, Frank. \u201cThe origins of the twentieth century Zulu beer vessel styles.\u201d Southern African\u00a0<\/em>Humanities<\/em> 17 (December, 2005): 101\u2013151.\r\n\r\nKennedy, Carolee. The Art and Material Culture of the Zulu-Speaking Peoples<\/em>. Los Angeles:\u00a0UCLA Museum of Cultural History, 1978.\r\n\r\nKlopper, Sandra. \u201cKings, commoners and foreigners: artistic production and the consumption\u00a0of art in the southeast African region.\u201d In Kevin Conru, ed. The Art of Southeast Africa from the Conru Collection<\/em>, pp. 39-52. Milan: 5 Continents, 2002.\r\n\r\nKlopper, Sandra. \u201cPassing things off as Zulu.\u201d In Voice-Overs: Wits writings exploring African\u00a0artworks<\/em>, pp. 78-79. Johannesburg: University of the Witswatersrand Art Galleries, 2004.\r\n\r\nKlopper, Sandra, Anitra C. E. Nettleton and Terence Pethica. The Art of Southern Africa: The\u00a0Terence Pethica Collection<\/em>. Milan: 5 Continents, 2007.\r\n\r\nKoopman, Adrian. \u201cZulu Names.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 439-448.\u00a0New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nKrige, E. J. \"Girl's Puberty Songs and Their Relation to Fertility, Health, Morality, and Religion among the Zulu.\"\u00a0<\/span>Africa<\/i>\u00a038 (1968):173-198.<\/span>\r\n\r\nLabelle, Marie-Louise. \u201cBeads of Life: Eastern and Southern African Adornments.\u201d African\u00a0Arts<\/em> 38 (1, 2005): 12-35; 93.\r\n\r\nLewin, David. Spirit of Africa: Southern Africa by Design<\/em>. Gimhae-Si, ROK: Clayarch Gimhae\u00a0Museum, 2007.\r\n\r\nMagwaza,\u00a0Thenjiwe. \u201c\u2019So That I Will Be a Marriageable Girl\u2019: Umemulo in Contemporary\u00a0Zulu Society.\u201d In Benedict\u00a0Carton, et. al., eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 482-496. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nMayr, Father Fr. \u201cThe Zulu Kafirs of Natal.\u201d Anthropos<\/em> 2 (3, 1907): 392-399.\r\n\r\nMayr, Father Fr. \u201cZulu Proverbs.\u201d Anthropos<\/em> 7 (4, 1912): 957-963.\r\n\r\nMorris, Jean and Eleanor Preston-Whyte. Speaking with Beads: Zulu Arts from Southern Africa<\/em>.\u00a0London: Thames & Hudson, 1994.\r\n\r\nNel, Karel. \u201cConsonant with cattle-culture: the art of the portable,\u201d In Kevin Conru, ed. The Art of Southeast\u00a0<\/em>Africa from the Conru Collection<\/em>, pp. 13-38.\u00a0 Milan: 5 Continents, 2002.\r\n\r\nNgubane, Harriet. \u201cSome Notions of \u2018Purity\u2019 and \u2018Impurity\u2019 among the Zulu.\u201d Africa<\/em> 46 (3,\u00a01976): 274-284.\r\n\r\nPapin, Robert. \u201cSome Zulu uses for the animal domains: Livestock (imguyo<\/em>) and game\u00a0(iziwane<\/em>).\u201d In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed. Zulu treasures: of kings and commoners: a celebration of the material culture\u00a0of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp. 183-215. Ulandi and\u00a0Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and Local History Museums, 1996.\r\n\r\nPetridis, Constantine. The Art of Daily Life: Portable Objects from Southern Africa<\/em>. Cleveland, OH:\u00a0 Cleveland Museum of Art\/Milan: 5 Continents Editions: 2011.\r\n\r\nPoland, Marguerite. \u201cZulu Cattle: Colour patterns and imagery in the names of Zulu cattle.\u201d\u00a0In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed. Zulu Treasures: Of King and Commoners<\/em>, pp. 35-42.\u00a0 Durban:\u00a0KwaZulu Cultural Museum and the Local History Museums, 1996.\r\n\r\nProctor, Andr\u00e9 and Sandra Klopper. \u201cThrough the Barrel of a Bead: The Personal and the\u00a0Political in the Beadwork of the Eastern Cape.\u201d In Ezakwantu: Beadwork from the Eastern\u00a0<\/em>Cape<\/em>, pp. 56-65. Cape Town: National Gallery of South Africa, 1993.\r\n\r\nRankin-Smith, Fiona. \u201cBeauty in the Hard Journey: Defining Trends in Twentieth-century Zulu\u00a0Art.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds.\u00a0Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 409-413.\u00a0New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nvan Schalkwyk, Loretta, ed. Zulu treasures: of kings and commoners: a celebration of the material\u00a0<\/em>culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp. 73-79. Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu\u00a0Museum and Local History Museums, 1996.\r\n\r\nStreetton, Jenny. All Fired Up: Conversations between Kiln and Collection<\/em>. Durban: Durban Art\u00a0Gallery, 2012.\r\n\r\nWinters, Yvonne. \u201cThe Secret of Zulu Bead Language and Proportion and Balance of the\u00a0Zulu Headrest (Isigqiki).\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 418-423. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.\r\n\r\nWood, Marilee. \u201cZulu beadwork.\u201d In\u00a0Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed. Zulu treasures: of kings and commoners: a celebration of the\u00a0<\/em>material culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp. 143-170.\u00a0Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and Local History Museums, 1996.\r\n\r\nvan Wyk, Gary. \u201cIlluminated signs: Style and Meaning in the Beadwork of the Xhosa- and\u00a0Zulu-Speaking Peoples.\u201d African Arts<\/em> 36 (3, 2003): 12-33; 93-94.\r\n\r\nvan Wyk, Gary. \u201cPots in Zulu symbolism.\u201d Studio Potter<\/em> 35 (1, 2006): 26-30.\r\n\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 689. This geometric patterns on this ostrich egg were scratched into its surface, then rubbed with charcoal or ash. San (probably !Kung subgroup) male artist, Namibia or Botswana, before 1910. H 5.9″. \u00a9\u00a0Trustees of the British Museum,\u00a0Af1910,-.363. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Nomadic and semi-nomadic herders of cattle and\/or camels normally have few sculptural traditions, since constant packing and moving provide practical limitations on heavy goods that require transport. They are not without art, however. Sometimes these are confined primarily to body arts, as among the pastoral Fulani (see Chapter 3.2). In other cases, painting rock outcrops that formed part of the natural landscape provided an outlet, as it did for the San or the various successive peoples of the pre-desertified Sahara (see Chapter 3.1 for both). Architecture–usually made in less permanent materials than clay–can be an additional form of artistic expression, especially in semi-nomadic communities where women, the elderly, and young children operate from a fairly permanent base.<\/p>\n

Because of desertification and drought, members of some nomadic groups have been forced to settle by<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 690. This Himba woman’s hair is wrapped with leather, and its crest is made from the skin of a sheep or goat. This indicates that she has either given birth to her first child or has been married for 12-18 months. Women create these crests themselves. Photo by Julien Lagarde, Oase Village, Namibia, 2011. Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

circumstance, rather than through choice. This can have major repercussions on the arts. Some artists may be separated from their standard patrons and forced to seek new markets. Choices in housing types may be changed in urban environments. Some object types become unnecessary to survival. The San, for example, formerly decorated emptied ostrich eggs, filled them with water, plugged them and buried them along their routes as personal reservoirs (Fig. 689). With growing settlement\u00a0sites, these are unneeded. Even those San who still trek in the desert find plastic containers to be less fragile and hold more liquids.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 691. This standing Herero woman wears a 19th-century European middle-class dress style: long skirt, high neck, elaborate sleeves, apron, and four to eight petticoats. Her headdress, however, is a local innovation called otjikalva<\/em> that references cattle horns. Photo by Andrea, Namibia, 2009. Creative Commons CC BY-NC 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Political persecution,\u00a0missionization, and national drives toward education may alter some individuals’ choice of profession and lifestyle, while others are able to retain their traditions because of little interference. Two “ethnicities” with the same ethnic background show the effects of outside impact. Both the Himba and the Herero of Namibia (spilling into Angola and part of Botswana) have a shared language and customs, but their\u00a0experience of colonialism split them into two groups, one rural, the other town-based, a split that remains visible through their dress and other body arts. The Himba are rural, herding cattle, sheep and goats in a desert environment. Their clothing mostly consists of leather, and their body arts stress a scented red ochre that is used on skin and hair. Female hairstyles distinguish age groups and marital status (Fig. 690). The Herero, on the other hand, were missionized and progressively dispossessed of land and cattle by German settlers in Namibia. After war and decimation by the Germans from 1903-07, they retained European uniform styles for men and Victorian-era full, long skirts for women, though applying their own twists and stylistic shifts to both. These remain dress <\/span>wear; the women’s headwear consists of cloth stiffened from the inside with newspaper into a shape of two cow horns, a reference to their source of wealth, even though many are town dwellers (Fig. 691).<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Further Reading<\/h3>\n

Beckwith, Carol and Angela Fisher. African Ark: People and Ancient Cultures of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa<\/em>. New York: Abrams, 1990.<\/p>\n

Cole, Herbert M. “Living art among the Samburu.” In\u00a0Justine M. Cordwell and Ronald A. Schwarz, eds.\u00a0<\/a>The fabrics of culture: the anthropology of clothing and adornment<\/em>, pp. 87-102. The Hague: Mouton, 1979.<\/a><\/p>\n

Galichet, Marie-Louise. “Aesthetics and colour among\u00a0Maasai\u00a0and Samburu.”\u00a0<\/a>Kenya past and present<\/em> No. 20 (1988): 27-30.<\/a><\/a><\/p>\n

Hendrickson, Hildi. “The \u2018long\u2019 dress and the construction of Herero identities in Southern Africa.” Journal of African Studies<\/em>\u00a053 (2, 1994): 25-54.<\/p>\n

Klumpp, Donna and Corinne Kratz. “Aesthetics, expertise, and ethnicity: Okiek and\u00a0Maasai\u00a0perspectives on personal ornament.” In Thomas Spear and\u00a0<\/a>Richard Waller, eds.\u00a0<\/a><\/a>Being\u00a0Maasai: ethnicity and identity in East Africa<\/em>, pp. 195-221; 303-316. London: James Currey, 1993.<\/a><\/a><\/p>\n

Naughten, Jim. Conflict and Costume: the Herero tribe of Namibia<\/em>. London: Merrell, 2013.<\/p>\n

Prussin, Labelle.\u00a0African\u00a0nomadic\u00a0architecture: space, place, and gender<\/em>. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Press, 1995.<\/a><\/p>\n

Sampson, C. Garth. “Ostrich\u00a0eggs\u00a0and Bushman survival on the north-east frontier of the Cape Colony, South Africa.” Journal of arid environments<\/em> 26 (4, 1994): 383-399.<\/a><\/p>\n

Verswijver, Gustaaf.\u00a0Omo: people and design<\/em>. Paris: \u00c9dition de La Martin\u00e8re, 2008.<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

The Tuareg: From Tent to Cement<\/strong><\/h3>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 692. Tuareg tent, Hoggar region, southern Algeria. Detail of a photo by Robert Perret, 1934.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a0PP0067460.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The Tuareg are a far-flung Berber group that roam an increasingly large area, as desertification and strife push them into new areas. Once the prime Sahara-crossers, mounted on horse and camel backs, their lifestyle has changed considerably in the past fifty years, forcing many out of the nomadic lifestyle into settlements. Formerly, their casted society was led by the nobility (imajeren<\/em>), who coupled a warrior ethos with camel-breeding. Their vassals and slaves supplied them with tribute food and labor in exchange for protection, and a separate class of artists (inadan<\/em>) acted as their mediators and managers, also supplying them with the jewelry, household items and decorations that reinforced their aristocratic status. While none of these elements have completely vanished, Tuareg men with machine guns also patrol in four-wheel-drives, or live settled lives in cement block buildings. Their slaves are\u2014at least officially\u2014liberated, and the inadan<\/em>, who saw their traditional patrons\u2019 dominance slip away, have gone global. Today they actively create new outlets for their products and often outstrip their former leaders in terms of wealth. The 1950s through the 1970s were a key transitional era, before items regularly made for personal use were abandoned–or persisted and shifted with an expanded international market.<\/p>\n

Although some Tuareg have always had residences in towns and cities, especially in Niger and Mali, several severe droughts and other economic hardships drove many more to a sedentary lifestyle. Some Tuareg nomads inhabited fiber structures, but most once lived in a tent, the shelter some Tuareg still use and the norm in the living memory of many others.\u00a0The word for tent\u2014ehen<\/em>\u2014is also the word for marriage and womb. A woman\u2019s family gives her this dwelling when she weds, and all its goods belong to her as well. The western Tuareg generally use goat skins (Fig. 692), while those to the east favor matting. The skin versions are a woman’s permanent link to her mother and family, for mothers of the essentially<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 693. This woolen textile was made by a sedentary Berber group, but purchased and used by the Tuareg in Ghardaia, Niger. Berber female weaver, Algeria, early 20th century. L 74″. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1934.129.3. Donor Emile-Louis-Bruno Bruneau de Laborie.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

matrilineal Tuareg begin the preparation of a bride\u2019s tent by cutting off a section of their own. Friends and relations supplement this piece with leather additions, the whole sewn together at a party. Weddings include several tent-related rituals that culminate in the erection of tent poles.<\/p>\n

Once the new couple is established, the wife creates an inward-looking environment, transforming the inhospitable desert with their tents. Although tent exteriors are generally plain, the interiors can be a flowerbed of color. While the Tuareg do not weave, they purchase rugs and other textiles from sedentary peoples (Fig. 693), decorating tent interiors with<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 694. Leather decoration for a tent interior. Tuareg tinadan<\/em> female artist, Niger, mid-20th century. H 26.38″. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 70.2004.27.1.69. Donor\u00a0Jacques Chirac.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Berber hangings from Morocco or Fulani hangings from Mali. Women also inject color and pattern into their tents with fringed leather decorative panels (Fig. 694) made by the tinadan<\/em>, the female members of inadan<\/em> craftsmen families, as well as utilitarian leather goods.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 695. Detail of an igem<\/em> tent entrance post; wood, metal repair. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, probably Niger, 20th century. H 58\u201d. Cleveland State University, 2002.56. Gift of William B. Simmons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Tents are synonymous with the ideal of monogamy, and even though some men have multiple wives, no two women\u2019s tents occupy the same compound. The tent is the daily domain of women, children, and elderly men, as most males spend their day outside the domestic sphere. If a couple divorces, the man becomes homeless, at least temporarily. At a woman\u2019s death, her tent is demolished and her matting given away, the space it occupied left delineated for a year. After that, only memories remain.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 696. Ihel<\/em> wooden mat supports, Tuareg inadan<\/em> male artist, probably Niger, 20th century. From left, H 51.5\u201d; H 58.5\u201d; H 52\u201d. Cleveland State University, from left: 2002.60, 2002.58, 2002.59. Gift of William B. Simmons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Skin-spanned tents can be supported by posts and guy-line pegs made from available wood, but wood’s scarcity in the desert region makes that practice risky. Carved posts and pegs used to be the norm, and were carried from camp to camp on pack animals. The southern Tuareg of Mali and Niger made matched sculptural poles (igem<\/em>) that flanked the tent\u2019s entrance (Fig. 695), although these are uncommon today. Those from Algeria were simpler and decorated with pyro-engraved lines. Elaborately open-worked additional wooden supports (ihel<\/em>) (Fig. 696) propped up long leather-trimmed leather and reed mats (esaber<\/em>) that sectioned off the conjugal couple\u2019s bed or edged the tent\u2019s perimeter (Fig. 697).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 697. Leather strip mat used to edge tents or cordon off the conjugal bed. Tuareg tinadan<\/em> female artist. L 11.98′.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1934.196.1.2. Donor Maurice Reygasse.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

These mats can easily be rolled out of the way for a breeze, but when down, they act as a windbreak and shield the interior from sand and observers.<\/p>\n

All household items belong to Tuareg woman, and precious objects are stowed away in boxes or kept in leather bags (Fig. 698) that could be protected by a large lock (tanast<\/em>) (Fig. 699). Not all possessions were so carefully guarded. Some were kept in an acorn-shaped bata <\/em>lidded box (Fig. 700). Tinadan<\/em> women<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 699. This type of elaborate lock and key is usually used to lock leather bags. Keys can double as weights for women’s long head coverings. Copper and iron. L (lock) 3.23″. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, Niger, beginning of 20th century. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a0 71.1934.166.38.1-2. Donor Yves Urvoy.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 698. Painted leather saddle bag. Tuareg tinadan female artist, Timbuktu, Mali, beginning of 20th century. H 65.75″. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a071.1934.42.18. Donor Jean Lebaudy,<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

from Niger craft these containers from pieces of animal skin that are soaked until they can be molded over a clay form. The designs are made by rolling wax into threads, applying them to the surface, then dyeing the outside with a red derived from millet stalks. The wax protects the<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 700. Box (bata<\/em>) made from resist-dyed goatskin. Tuareg female tinadan<\/em> artist, Agadez, Niger, beginning of 20th century. H 7.28″. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a071.1930.61.829.1-2. Donor Frantz de Zeltner.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

original color of the leather, leaving a two-tone geometric-patterned surface when it is removed. Although this example was made in the mid-twentieth century, it differs little from those published in 1900. While bata<\/em> hold often contain jewelry, coins, makeup or pomade, they can also hold granulated incense (tefarchit<\/em>). More elaborate containers (Fig. 701) can also hold scent, which the Tuareg value highly, whether in the form of perfume, incense\u00a0or aromatic powders, and are<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 701. Container made from silver, copper, stag horn, and brass to hold scented powder. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, possibly Niger, late 19th or early 20th century. H 2.25″. Detroit Institute of Arts, 1994.25.A. Founders Society Purchase with funds from the Friends of African and African American Art, the African, Oceanic and New World Cultures General Fund, Mr. and Mrs. Allan Shelden III Fund, and the Henry and Consuelo W. Wenger Foundation Fund.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

expected to share it with visitors. Beyond its creation of a pleasant environment, scent is used in curative and diagnostic practices by dispelling evil, harmful spirits and disease, and reinforcing friendship, love and a sense of communion.<\/p>\n

Inadan<\/em> men carve wooden items such as the posts, bed, mortars and bowls for the nobles, and also work metal for jewelry and accessories. An endogamous group, the inadan<\/em> are analogous in many ways to the Mande nyamakala<\/em> (see Bamana section of Chapter 3.1), although they compress many of the varied nyamakala<\/em> groups\u2019 duties into one. Their mastery of mystical powers and satirical song combine to check the nobility\u2019s behavior toward them. In the past, they were indispensable not only for their creativity but for their positions as noblemen\u2019s managers, go-betweens and marriage brokers. Their extroverted behavior is meant to be a strong contrast to the nobles\u2019 reserve, and it is often employed as a diplomatic stratagem.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 702.\u00a0Necklace and bracelet made from a\u00a0silver alloy, hung on leather strands.\u00a0Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, Niger, collected 1985.\u00a0H pendant 4.5\u201d; D bracelet 2.75\u201d at\u00a0widest section.\u00a0Private collection.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

In the past, nobles had both the resources and the power to commission exquisite metal<\/p>\n

objects from the smiths. Silver is still the most common metal of choice, and is associated with the aristocracy and virtue, with brass and copper included in small amounts for color contrast. The silver was melted down rather than mined, much of it formerly from Austrian Maria Teresa thaler coins, which circulated worldwide from their mid-eighteenth century inception through the early1960s, when trade coin minting in other countries finally ceased. Although the Koran itself does not prohibit the use of gold, various Muslim traditions as recorded in the hadith particularly warn men against wearing it, and perhaps reinforced a Tuareg preference for silver. Although uncommon in decades past, inadan<\/em> smiths now produce some gold jewelry, for it has become fashionable, particularly among urbanized<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 703. Silver talisman container. Tuareg male inadan artist from the Kel Eway group, Agadez, Niger, 20th century. L including necklace 22″. \u00a9 Dallas Museum of Art, 2016.18.1.FA. Foundation for the Arts Collection; anonymous gift.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

women who see their Hausa and Malian counterparts favor it. Copper is believed to have healing and protective properties, and was derived from discarded cartridges, while old cans formed the primary source for aluminum and tin. Battery oxide emphasizes designs engraved in metal by blackening the submerged areas.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 704. Inadan<\/em>-decorated Moroccan teapot made from tin with copper and brass elements added. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> additions to Moroccan pot, Niger, mid-20th century. H 6.29\u201d. Private collection.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Smiths also produce metal items related to tea drinking, a semi-ritualized Tuareg practice that takes place at least four times a day\u2014once immediately upon rising and after each meal, as well as when guests arrive. Men are the arbiters of its preparation, usually preparing and consuming it outside the tent, while women make and drink it within. The tea itself involves a mixture of strong Chinese gunpowder or green tea, spearmint, and sometimes other spices or flowers, heavily sugared and boiled over a charcoal fire. Its preparation, if not as stylized as that of the Japanese, still involves specific steps meant to achieve not only the perfect taste, but a perfectly foamed glass. The performative aspect is strong, tea being poured and repoured from a height. Three rounds are<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 705. Brass container with silver and copper ornaments, meant to hold tea glasses. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, probably Niger, late 19th\/early 20th century. H 3.75″. Detroit Institute of Arts, 1994.24, Founders Society Purchase with funds from the Friends of African and African American Art, the African, Oceanic and New World Cultures General Fund, Mr. and Mrs. Allan Shelden III Fund, and the Henry and Consuelo W. Wenger Foundation Fund.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

expected: the first glass is strong and bitter, the second, somewhat diluted and heavily sugared, and the final is light, sweet and minty or spiced. The length of time necessary for these rounds\u2014their boiling, aerating and drinking\u2014is no hasty affair, and the beauty of the utensils is meant not only to demonstrate status, but to civilize the harsh environment with hospitality and refinement. At an average of 15.24 lbs. of tea a year, the Tuareg outconsume the English nearly three times over, drinking it every three to five hours. The process is so engrained with identity they nickname themselves \u201cthe sons of tea\u201d (Ag al-Tay<\/em>).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 706. Brass sugar hammer. Tuareg male inadan<\/em> artist, probably Niger, 20th century. L 8\u201d. Private collection.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Tea accessories are thus amongst the most regularly handled possessions a person owns. While the inadan<\/em> do not make teapots (albirade<\/em>)\u2014these these have always been imported or market purchases\u2014they regularly embellish and \u201cTuaregize\u201d them. On the formerly popular tin Moroccan pots, this often included additions of copper or brass surface motifs, modifications of the handle or spout, replacement of the lid finial, or even the addition of a copper ring base (Fig. 704). By the 1950s, nobles preferred multi-metal contrasts and small sections of patterning.\u00a0 Currently, imported blue enamel Chinese teapots are most common; their color matches that of typical Tuareg robes, which may add to their appeal. Some teapots are carried in specialized leather bags (tekabawt<\/em>), along with other related supplies. Tea is drunk from small North African glasses (enfenjars<\/em>) that may be stored in fitted wooden boxes, sometimes leather-covered. In the past, extraordinary metal containers (Fig. 705) might protect an aristocrat\u2019s glasses from a camel\u2019s jostling gait. Cubed sugar is now common, but decades ago it was imported in cone form, cut with special shears (temoda ton essukor<\/em>) and pulverized by cast sugar hammers (tefidist<\/em>) (Fig. 706). \u00a0The Tuareg add considerable amounts of sugar to tea, which helps assuage hunger as well as thirst.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 707. Tuareg man with lowered veil pouring tea from an imported enamel pot in Mali. Photo Steve Monty, 2006. Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.<\/a><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The performance of shared tea is dramatized by Tuareg clothing. Men must lower their turban\u2019s mouth veil (tagelmust<\/em>) in order to drink (Fig. 707). Formerly this meant one was highly selective about whom one drank with, for the mouth veil\u2014which is the first part of the turban that is wrapped\u2014is a customary protection against evil. The \u201cevil mouth\u201d and \u201cevil eye\u201d can supernaturally cause misfortune due to jealousy. The latter is sometimes expressed in honeyed fashion\u2014one of the reasons nobles customarily distanced themselves from the inadan<\/em>, who are professional wordsmiths as well as artists. Tea drinking is less caste-isolated today, perhaps because numerous inadan<\/em> have become wealthier than many nobles, even employing some as salesmen.<\/p>\n

Tagelmust<\/em> were customarily made from fine dark indigo cotton, and worn over white, blue or indigo gowns with very loose trousers (Fig. 708). The Tuareg prefer a particular kind of indigo-dyed cloth, one which is over-<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 708. Tuareg man with tagelmust<\/em>, his neck draped with leather amulets. Kano, Nigeria, Photo by Jenny Griffin, 1963-64. Pitt-River, 2016.17.6.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

dyed, then further pounded with powdered dye until it acquires a prized and costly sheen. Both Hausa and Nupe once made these cloths, called aleshu<\/em>, primarily for sale to the Tuareg. Only a few Hausa dyers still make them and they have grown even more expensive. The indigo often stains the face, hands, and nails, giving rise to another Tuareg nickname, \u201cthe blue people.\u201d Tuareg today wear a greater variety of colors, and, in urban and foreign settings, sometimes dress in Western clothing, with or without the turban, a practice once inconceivable. More conservative men wear their hair dressed into a few braids under the turban, but urban youth are more likely to have close-cropped styles.<\/p>\n

Clothing is still a major identity statement for most men, however. Customary dress is by no means standardized, for over 200 ways of draping the tagulmust<\/em> are known, varying in meanings that indicate mourning, reserve, flirtatiousness, relaxation and more. The tagulmust<\/em>, though identified with the Tuareg who created it, spread to the nomadic Wodaabe Fulani in northern Niger and, by at least the 1830s, to the settled Fulani who took over Hausa and Nupe rule in the nineteenth century. Neither group has assumed its universality, nor all of its proscriptions and subtleties, but its wrapped shape persists, with mouth veiling still practiced by numerous northern Nigerian and Cameroonian emirs and some chiefs in modified form.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 709. A Tuareg refugee camp built in the early 1990s and later flooded and evacuated. Mopti region, Mali, 2005. Photo by upyernoz. Creative Commons CC BY 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The displacement of Tuareg has led to some being housed in refugee camps (Fig. 709). Others have headed for cement houses in cities such as Agadez, where gender roles reverse–men own the permanent houses, although women still own any tents in use.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 710. Cement sculpture in Tahoua, Niger. Photo by\u00a0Cpl. Enrique Saenz, U.S. Marines. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Still others are the dominant presence in towns that have been majority Tuareg for a long time, such as Tahoua in Niger, where a public sculpture even references the “Agadez cross” pendants made by inadan<\/em> silversmiths (Fig. 710).<\/p>\n

Jewelry has been one of the prime catalysts for change in the lives of those\u00a0inadan<\/em> who cast silver and work other metals. In the space of a generation, the disasters of drought, famine, and rebellion that particularly marked the 1970s and 80s saw the enterprising inadan<\/em> expand foreign patronage\u00a0substantially. Many settled in towns and travel\u00a0internationally to sell. Some even entered into long-term relationships with foreign firms; one set of inadan<\/em> created silver clasps for purses made by high-end French leatherworking firm Herm\u00e8s. Suggestions, perusal of fashion magazines and jewelry catalogues, and observations of the ornaments of nearby peoples have led to the production of key rings, bottle openers, lighter cases, and other innovations, as\u00a0well as thinner, smaller versions\u00a0of customary forms (Fig. 711). At first, only smiths themselves sold the works to<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 711. Tuareg vendor selling jewelry in the market of Niamey, Niger. Photo by LenDog64,\u00a02009. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-ND 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

foreign visitors, but by 2004, nearly one-third of the vendors in one town with 62 sellers belonged to the nobility, one of many shifts in the old customary relationships between\u00a0castes.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

<\/h3>\n

<\/h3>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Further Reading<\/h3>\n

Bernasek, Lisa. Artistry of the Everyday: Beauty and Craftsmanship in Berber Art<\/em>. Cambridge:\u00a0Peabody Museum Press, 2008.<\/p>\n

Lhote, Henri. Les Touaregs du Hoggar,<\/em> 2nd ed. Paris: Payot, 1955.<\/p>\n

Loughran, Kristyne. Art from the Forge<\/em>. Washington, DC: National Museum of African Art,\u00a01995.<\/p>\n

Loughran, Kristyne. \u201cJewelry, Fashion and Identity: The Tuareg Example.\u201d African Arts<\/em> 36 (1,\u00a02003): 52-65; 93.<\/p>\n

Milburn, Mark. \u201cThe Rape of the Agadez Cross: Problems of Typology among Modern Metal\u00a0and Stone Pendants of Northern Niger.\u201d Almogaren<\/em> 9-10 (1978): 135-154.<\/p>\n

Nicolaisen, Johannes and Ida Nicolaisen. The Pastoral Tuareg<\/em>, 2 vols. New York: Thames and\u00a0Hudson, 1997.<\/p>\n

Rasmussen, Susan J. \u201cMaking Better \u2018Scents\u2019 in Anthropology: Aroma in Tuareg Sociocultural\u00a0Systems and the Shaping of Ethnography.\u201d Anthropological Quarterly<\/em> 72 (2, 1999): 55-73.<\/p>\n

Rasmussen, Susan J. \u201cThe People of Solitude: Recalling and reinventing essuf<\/em> (the wild) in\u00a0traditional and emergent Tuareg cultural spaces.\u201d Journal of the Royal Anthropological\u00a0Institute<\/em> 14 (3, 2008): 609-627.<\/p>\n

Rasmussen, Susan J. \u201cPerforming Culture: A Tuareg Artisan as Cultural Interpreter.\u201d\u00a0Ethnology<\/em> 49 (3, 2010): 229-248.<\/p>\n

Rodd, Rennell. People of the Veil<\/em>. London: MacMillan, 1926.<\/p>\n

Scholze, Marko and Ingo Bartha. \u201cTrading Cultures: Berbers and Tuaregs as Souvenir\u00a0Vendors.\u201d In Peter Probst and Gerd Spittler, eds.\u00a0Between Resistance and Expansion: Explorations of Local Vitality in Africa<\/em>, pp.\u00a069-90. M\u00fcnster: Lit Verlag M\u00fcnster for the Institut\u00a0f\u00fcr Afrikastudien Universit\u00e4t Beyreuth, 2004.<\/p>\n

Seligman, Thomas K. and Kristyne Loughran, eds. Art of Being Tuareg: Sahara Nomads in a\u00a0<\/em>Modern World<\/em>. Los Angeles: Cantor Art Center and UCLA Fowler Museum, 2006.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Zulu Arts of Beading, Brewpots, and Utensils<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n

The Zulu formerly had a rural, cattle-rearing nomadic culture (Fig. 712) and many older\u00a0household objects reflect these ties, incorporating abstracted\u00a0cattle legs,\u00a0tails, and other bovine references. However, today the Zulu form the largest ethnic component of Johannesburg, South\u00a0Africa\u2019s<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 712. This lithograph by George French Angas shows the cattle-oriented life of the Zulu in the 1840s. From\u00a0The Kafirs illustrated in a series of drawings taken among the Amazulu, Amaponda and Amakosa tribes<\/em>.\u00a0London: J. Hogarth, 1849. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

most sizable city, as well as Durban, its third largest city and busiest\u00a0port. The shift to urbanism began over a century ago; the Zulu are by no means\u00a0newcomers to metropolitan life. The British 1879 victory in the\u00a0Anglo-Zulu war disrupted the Zulu kingdom structure shared by\u00a0many\u2014though not all\u2014Zulu and their tributaries. The British and\u00a0Boers increased control over land, and, by the close of the century,\u00a0had instituted mandatory poll taxes for men and hut taxes\u00a0on each structure. Payment had to be in government currency,\u00a0which meant at least temporary shifts in money-earning, since\u00a0the Zulu were cattle raisers unused to coinage and banknotes.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 713. One of Zwelethu Mthethwa’s series of photos of urban dwellers and their homes. Single frame from Tim Noakes’ video, “Zwelethu Mthethwa Interview<\/a>,” 2010.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

This change prodded many men to periodically migrate in order to work\u00a0in European-established settlements, providing access to a new\u00a0cash economy, trade goods, and completely different forms of\u00a0employment.\u00a0In the many intervening decades, some stayed in the cities.\u00a0Household separations were frequent due to one-gender mining\u00a0camps as did apartheid\u2019s domestic worker arrangements, which\u00a0allowed women and their children to be housed in a small outbuilding\u00a0on their employers\u2019 property, but banned adult men from staying there. An\u00a0ever-increasing movement to the cities continues in post-apartheid\u00a0times, overcrowding both the former segregated \u201csuburbs\u201d\u00a0like Johannesburg\u2019s Soweto and other city regions. Although\u00a0those Zulu who have acquired wealth through politics, law, entertainment,\u00a0sports, and other professions have luxurious homes,\u00a0overcrowded urban living is the norm for most, as depicted in the\u00a0photographs of Zulu artist Zwelethu Mthethwa (Fig. 713). Single rooms or\u00a0rooms-and-parlors are rental spaces whose walls are papered in\u00a0newspapers, posters, and ads, and whose cleanliness showcases\u00a0often sparse possessions (see other Mthethwa photos HERE<\/a>).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 714. Drawing of an isiBaya<\/em> in Walter Robert Ludlow’s Zululand and Cetewayo, containing an account of Zulu customs, manners and habits<\/em> (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1882, p. 157. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Other Zulu\u2014particularly women,\u00a0children and old men\u2014still remain in the countryside of KwaZuluNatal,\u00a0their lives tied to cattle and the semi-nomadic lifestyle\u00a0of their forebears. Many city dwellers plan to retire to the countryside\u00a0for a less frantic existence, but rural Zulu certainly do not\u00a0live in isolation from metropolitan culture. Family members live\u00a0and work in urban areas, visits to the city are made, local stores\u00a0stock city goods, and locally-made items are sold to city galleries\u00a0or tourist vendors.\u00a0In the nineteenth century, those Zulu under the ruler Shaka\u2019s\u00a0(c. 1787-1828) royal descendants also lived in towns such\u00a0as Umgungundlovu, which had about 1500 homes and many\u00a0more inhabitants. These settlements were circular in design, the\u00a0ruler\u2019s home placed furthest from the entrance. Subjects lived in\u00a0several layers of round houses around the circumference of the
\ncommunity\u2014which could reach two miles\u2014with cattle holding\u00a0areas (known as kraal<\/em> in Afrikaans and English and isiBaya\u00a0<\/em>in Zulu) between them. The military used the huge kraal at the\u00a0center as a parade ground. After the British broke the royal system,\u00a0smaller household settlements replaced this arrangement,\u00a0taking a similar formation (Fig. 714). The isiBaya<\/em> was quite literally\u00a0the core of the homestead. Households initially had one\u00a0wooden stockade surrounding the central kraal, while a second,\u00a0outer stockade encircled the dwellings. The isiBaya<\/em> centralized\u00a0the household\u2019s wealth<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 715. A Zulu man preparing the armature for a house, 1894. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford,\u00a01998.160.13.4. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

through cattle, which served as a bride\u00a0price for legitimate marriages and also provided food, hides for\u00a0clothing, and dung for fuel. Deceased members were buried\u00a0there, and thus ancestors and cattle remained interlinked at the heart\u00a0of the home. Houses were distributed around its edge in the area\u00a0between fencing according to hierarchy: the Great House (iNdlunkulu<\/em>)\u00a0stood on that point of the circle opposite the stockade\u00a0entrance, and households derived from the senior wife\u2019s line\u00a0occupied the space known as the right-hand-side,\u00a0while those of lesser wives and their offspring occupied the\u00a0left side of the arc. Each wife had her own\u00a0home that also housed her young children, and sons who married\u00a0built new houses in the household for their own wives and\u00a0children. Men had no particular house of their own, but visited\u00a0their wives\u2019 houses successively.<\/p>\n

Like the homes of most other African pastoralists, older-style\u00a0Zulu houses (indlu<\/em>) were made<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 716. Exterior and inner roof of a Zulu indlu<\/em>. Photo by Jean-Erick Pasquier, Orange Free State, South Africa, 1969. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, PP0075781.2.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

of readily available, lightweight\u00a0materials, even after the adoption of farming made settlements more permanent.\u00a0Males dug a trench as a foundation, sinking long saplings\u00a0into it to act as an armature. Bending these saplings, they\u00a0created arcs, tying on other crosspieces to produce a latticed\u00a0dome (Fig. 715). Thatching was applied in fairly short layers (Fig. 716),\u00a0and, if the inhabitant were elderly, additional grass ornaments\u00a0might be added. If the home were large or heavy thatch covered\u00a0its frame, pairs of interior supports with crossbeams ensured its\u00a0shape would remain fairly hemispherical and avoid collapse. At\u00a0the top, some homes had a finial bound off that incorporated\u00a0a medicine against lightning. In the colder Zulu regions,\u00a0woven mats were layered over the exterior thatch for extra insulation.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 717. Interior of a Zulu indlu<\/em>, South Africa, ca. 1920-1935. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly,\u00a0PF0043025. Donor South African Railways.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

A circumference of nearly\u00a016.5 feet was common, a span large enough to house several\u00a0inhabitants in comfort (Fig. 717). Although regional daytime temperatures\u00a0often stay in the 70s \u02daF, or above, they can fall to the 50s\u00a0\u02daF in winter, or drop at the higher altitudes of this often mountainous\u00a0region. Interiors, therefore, had a central hearth to provide\u00a0warmth, as well as to cook. Smoke could escape through\u00a0the thatching. In the past, when someone died, their home was\u00a0torched, and neighboring structures were either moved in their\u00a0entirety, or the underlying framework was freed of its thatching\u00a0and shifted, even if a short distance.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

These kinds of homes were still common through the 1950s, but\u00a0changes occurred. Decades before, maize had become a crop, encouraging\u00a0settlement. Goats joined cattle in the livestock realm,\u00a0and the kraal<\/em> space shrank. The outer stockade was abandoned,\u00a0and granaries were placed near household entrances. Once\u00a0many householders became one-wife Christians, moving from\u00a0house to house no longer was a male option. These effects cumulated\u00a0in smaller households.<\/p>\n

Less thatch was available as\u00a0grassy expanses turned to farmland. In subsequent decades,\u00a0earth or cement replaced fiber in the creation of still-<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 718. Zulu home with thatched roof. Photo by Steve Slater,\u00a02011. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 719. Zulu whitewashed house with corrugated metal roof. Photo by Steve McNicholas, 2006. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

round\u00a0homes topped by thatching (Fig. 718). These were usually whitewashed or\u00a0painted in solid colors, unlike contemporary creations\u00a0of Sotho, Ndebele, and other South African groups. Some took\u00a0rectangular forms, which made the inclusion of Western-style\u00a0furniture easier. Zinc roofing\u2019s adoption\u00a0has since become almost ubiquitous (Fig. 719), as it has throughout\u00a0the continent for reasons of status.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 720. The Zulu section of Lesedi Cultural Village includes indlu<\/em> built on a past model. The Cultural Village also includes Ndebele, Pedi, Sotho, and Xhosa architectural quarters.\u00a0Sterkfontein, South Africa, Photo by sharonang<\/a>, 2017. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Rural Zulu life and its older manifestations have not totally\u00a0vanished, however; they have become tourist draws. Several villages have\u00a0been erected to recreate a historic lifestyle for visitors, \u00e0 la Williamsburg. At least two are partial reconstructions of the historic\u00a0royal capitals of Shaka\u2019s successors King Dingane and King\u00a0Cetshwayo. Others have been constructed near popular scenic\u00a0sites. A recent Internet tour promotion touts one spot as follows: “Our first stop is an authentic cultural village where dancers\u00a0perform an ancient dance to the beating of African drums.\u00a0Sample traditionally brewed Zulu beer and watch women craft\u00a0clay pots and intricate Zulu beadwork.” PheZulu Safari Park offers a village tour with \u201ctraditional beehive\u00a0shaped thatched huts,\u201d as well as Zulu dancing, wildlife\u00a0encounters, a restaurant, and gift shop, while Shakaland is\u00a0billed as \u201cthe oldest \u2018Zulu Cultural Village,\u2019\u201d erected as a set for\u00a0the South African television mini-series Shaka Zulu<\/em> (1986) and\u00a0also used in the 1990 film John Ross<\/em>. Numerous other travelers\u2019\u00a0destinations also keep the past visible (Fig. 720).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 721. Isithebe<\/em> eating mat. M. Azulina, Zulu female artist, South Africa, 20th century.\u00a0Reeds, raffia fiber, and cotton string. L\u00a015 7\/16″. Yale Art Gallery,\u00a02006.238.166.\u00a0Gift of Laura and James J. Ross, B.A. 1960. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Interiors were spare. Different types of mats were used for\u00a0sleeping, as plates for eating (isithebe<\/em>) (Fig. 721), or for sitting.\u00a0Other furnishings were usually limited to headrests, wooden\u00a0milk pails and meat platters, and other containers and implements.\u00a0Goods were usually stored around the perimeter (Fig.\u00a0722), making active use of the space where the building’s arc made adult use impossible. Beaded garments and jewelry, as well as\u00a0snuff holders and other personal goods, were often tucked into\u00a0the sapling grid, out of children\u2019s reach.\u00a0Because those with bad intent could use a man\u2019s most intimate\u00a0possessions to cause\u00a0him harm\u2014headrest, attire, eating utensils, mat\u2014only his senior-most wife could touch these objects. The great house<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 722. View of a Zulu interior showing cooking utensils, shield, and various household goods. Natal, South Africa. Photo by F. W. Ensor?, 1901\/02. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1998.54.72.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

within a compound had\u00a0a curving earthen ledge\u00a0that served as an altar. This\u00a0part of the home was farthest from the entrance, providing a\u00a0dark place that the ancestors found appealing. Ritual\u00a0items were kept there, and it served as a place for communion\u00a0with ancestral spirits. Urban Zulu\u00a0choose a room for this purpose and still store specialized items\u00a0there, such as the spear used for daughters\u2019 coming-of-age ceremonies.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 723. A few examples of the wide variety of Zulu coiffures that passed in and out of fashion in the past century. Top left<\/strong>: Zulu married woman, ca. 1900. Wereld Museum, Rotterdam, RV-A293-6.\u00a0CC BY-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>Top center<\/strong>: Zulu married woman. Lake St Lucia area, South Africa, late 19th century. The Wellcome Collection. Creative Commons CC BY. Top right<\/strong>: Zulu woman, South Africa, 1894. Wereld Museum, Rotterdam,\u00a0RV-A15-41. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span>\u00a0Bottom left<\/strong>:\u00a0Zulu woman, Durban, South Africa, first half of 20th century. Photo by\u00a0Lynn Acutt.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, PP0150819; cropped at bottom. Bottom center<\/strong>: Zulu man, South Africa, 1894-1896. Photo by Trappistenmission Mariannhill. Bestand Berliner Anthropologische Gesellschaft, im Besitz SMB-PK, Ethnologisches Museum.\u00a0\u00a9 Foto: Ethnologisches Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin – Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz,\u00a0VIII A 20528. Creative Commons BY-NC-SA<\/a>. Bottom right<\/strong>: Zulu man, South Africa, ca. 1900.\u00a0Wereld Museum, Rotterdam, \u00a0<\/strong>RV-A293-1. Creative Commons\u00a0\u00a0CC BY-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The formerly elaborate Zulu hairstyles (Fig. 723) made headrests\u00a0(izigqiki<\/em>) imperative, although they are seldom used today.\u00a0Brides usually brought these to the marriage, although some authors\u00a0state the groom was to provide one for himself and one for\u00a0the new wife, while she would instruct the carver to include specific\u00a0motifs. The designs often mirrored designs on her\u00a0engagement beadwork, which was treasured. When the 19th-century Zulu kingdom\u00a0was active, headrests were highly prized. They might be buried\u00a0with the owner or be handed down as revered–but no longer\u00a0used–heirlooms. Daughters could inherit them and carry them to\u00a0their husband\u2019s house; they remained a concrete tie to their own\u00a0lineage and ancestors.<\/p>\n

Those who lived in the\u00a0core kingdom areas often had<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 724. Wooden headdress with amasumpa, ornamentation associated with the core Zulu kingdom. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. L 15.75″.\u00a0\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 73.1999.29.2.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

headrests sparely decorated with\u00a0amasumpa<\/em>, wooden bumps or \u201cwarts\u201d (Fig. 724), although this\u00a0ornament was not used in other Zulu regions. Numerous styles\u00a0of headrests exist, including many double examples that were\u00a0used when a husband shared his<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 725. Wooden double headrest. Zulu male artist, South Africa,\u00a01850-1919. L 18 7\/8″. Tropenmuseum,\u00a0TM-4010-29. Creative CommonsCC BY-SA 4.0<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\n

<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 726. Zulu headrests that directly allude to cattle. Top<\/strong>:\u00a0Zulu male artist,\u00a0South Africa, before 1870. L 20.08\u201d.\u00a0long. From Yngvar Nielsen, Universitetets Ethnografiske Samlinger 1857-1907<\/em> (Christiana\/Oslo: W.C. Fabritius & Sonner A\/S, 1907): 138. Public domain. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. W 25″.\u00a0\u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1934,0712.6. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

wife\u2019s house (Fig. 725). The rounded uprights\u00a0on some izigqiki<\/em> (Fig. 726) are meant\u00a0to evoke cattle legs, and thus the herd and cattle\u2019s ability to connect\u00a0with the ancestors. Other headrests have tails or legs that also suggest cows (Fig. 727). These cattle allusions may also refer to ancestral-inspired dreams produced when sleeping. The intensive\u00a0trade and tribute that took place within the nineteenth century\u00a0resulted in a variety of styles (Fig.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 727. Three wooden headrests. Top<\/strong>: Zulu or Swazi male artist, South Africa, 19th century. W 12.99″. Photo by Claudia Obrocki. Sammlung: Ethnologisches Museum | Afrika.\u00a0\u00a9 Foto: Ethnologisches Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin – Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz,\u00a0III D 1366. Creative Commons\u00a0BY-NC-SA<\/a>. Middle<\/strong>: Headrest with built-in compartment. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. W 12.2″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954,+23.1845.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, 1860-1869. W 23.82″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.2183.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 728.\u00a0Wooden headrests. Top<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1890. W 11.22″. Wereld Museum Rotterdam, RV-803-20. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Top middle<\/strong>:\u00a0 Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1890. W 13.39″.\u00a0 Wereld Museum Rotterdam, RV-803-24.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom middle<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, probably 19th century. W 18,11″. Etnografiska museet\u00a01907.14.0188. Creative Commons CC BY<\/a>. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu male artist, South Africa, probably 19th century. W 18.19″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.1843.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

728), some created by subject peoples.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 729. Three ithunga<\/em> milk containers. Zulu male artists, South Africa. Left<\/strong>: Late 19th\/early 20th century. H 17.05″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1934,1201.2.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Middle<\/strong>: 20th century. H 16.75\u201d.\u00a0Cleveland State University, 2002.10. Gift of William B. Simmons. Right<\/strong>: Wood with metal stand. Late 19th\/early 20th century. H 19.29″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954,+23.606.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.
<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 730. Wooden spoon. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 20th century. L 14\u201d. Brooklyn Museum, John W. James Fund, 1996.113.9. Creative Commons CC-<\/a>BY<\/a>. Brooklyn Museum photograph, 2013.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Many other household objects also have connections to\u00a0cattle, for milk products are an essential part of the Zulu diet,\u00a0as they are for many pastoralists. Raw milk is usually avoided,\u00a0however. Cattle handling is a male activity, since married\u00a0women are most closely associated with a polluted ritual state\u00a0that makes cattle, people and plants vulnerable to\u00a0illness and death. Girls may interact with family\u00a0cattle, as long as they are not menstruating,\u00a0but boys do the milking, using wooden milk containers (ithunga<\/em>) (Fig. 729) as temporary receptacles. These are ordered by the male heads of households. Some are footed; others\u00a0bear amasumpa<\/em> or even breasts. The ithunga<\/em> is symbolically\u00a0female, but women are not allowed to touch them; girls singing\u00a0at coming-of-age ceremonies compare it to the vagina. The extrusions at the side allow a better grip between the\u00a0knees during the process. After milking, the boys then transfer\u00a0the liquid to calabashes or hide containers to ferment, overturning\u00a0the wooden pail to dry. Subsequently,\u00a0the milk separates into thin and clotted liquids\u2014whey\u00a0and curds. The latter are known as amasi<\/em>, curdled sour milk,\u00a0similar to cottage cheese or yogurt. The word amasi<\/em> is incorporated\u00a0into the descriptive names of certain whitish Nguni cattle:\u00a0inkomo engamasi evutshiwe<\/em>, or \u201cripe milk\u201d.\u00a0Amasi<\/em> still can only be shared with those who are blood relatives\u00a0of the householder, thus excluding women who have married\u00a0into the family. Ritual prohibitions\u00a0also disallow amasi<\/em> consumption during menstruation or\u00a0mourning, as well as during the girls\u2019 seclusion period for coming-of-age ceremonies. Amasi<\/em> is popular\u00a0among many South African groups, and commercial dairies produce pasteurized versions today.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 731. Wooden spoon. Zulu male artist, South Africa, 19th century. L 21.46″. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1977.52.14.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Commercial goods have displaced most wooden and terracotta\u00a0cooking and serving vessels, with imported iron cooking\u00a0pots already staple goods in the late nineteenth century.\u00a0The basic Zulu diet consisted of milk products, boiled porridge, and cooked greens. Ladies were used for cooking and serving.\u00a0Long-handled spoons for eating amasi<\/em> from\u00a0a communal terracotta bowl\u00a0were once essential, but\u00a0amasi<\/em> is now more often drunk directly or poured over corn meal\u00a0(\u201cmealie-meal\u201d) pap. Spoons were valued, carefully kept in a\u00a0dedicated bag, personal to their owner. Most eating\u00a0spoons have a bowl that meets the stem at a sharp angle, with\u00a0very small sections of decoration on the latter (Fig. 730). A few are figurative,\u00a0with an elongated female figure acting as the handle (Fig. 731). Even non-figurative spoons may allude to a woman\u2019s\u00a0body, their pointed bowls like a head with a desirable pointed\u00a0chin, inclined in the respectful pose women take with their inlaws.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 732. Wooden meat tray. Zulu male artist, South Africa, late 19th\/early 20th century. W 19.69″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.608. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Beef was a fairly infrequent addition to the Zulu diet, but\u00a0cattle and goats were slaughtered for feasts honoring the ancestors.\u00a0Pouring beer over the goats’ backs in advance signified\u00a0their dedication to the dead, as\u00a0beer had ancestral associations. Men roasted the meat, which\u00a0was served on wooden platters. Those platters from\u00a0the core Zulu areas once ruled by Shaka often included amasumpa<\/em>\u00a0projections (Fig. 732), as did some headrests and milk pails. The platters\u00a0stand on low legs, and sometimes the amasumpa<\/em>\u00a0were placed on the underside, where they would have been almost\u00a0invisible to diners. Their decoration, however, would become evident when\u00a0the platters were hung by their usual lugs, or when one platter\u00a0was inverted over another to keep meat warm or ward off flies.\u00a0Fat is often applied to the wood, as well as draining onto it, so dull examples were probably never used.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 733. Beer-skimming ladle made from the leaves of the wild date palm. Zulu, South Africa, 1960-1969. L 12.6″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.3127. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

If meat was most commonly consumed during ancestral\u00a0festivities, traditional beer\u00a0made from sorghum was\u00a0even more closely associated with them. Homemade beer is still a vital\u00a0part of Zulu culture. Women are typically brewers, and legend\u00a0states that Nomkhubulwane, the Zulu goddess in charge of\u00a0women\u2019s farming and growth, first taught them the technique.\u00a0Women also use clay from her earth to create the pottery necessary\u00a0for proper preparation and serving of this nutritious,\u00a0grain-based drink, which is only about 2% alcohol. Large natural-colored pots rubbed on the outside with cattle dung serve\u00a0as vats, and are placed in a family brewery, a small\u00a0dedicated building kept warm to promote fermentation. Brewing\u00a0takes from three to seven days, and basketry caps cover the\u00a0vats during the process in order to keep out dust and insects.\u00a0Afterward, the beer is strained through fiber bags and woven\u00a0skimmers\u00a0remove any flotsam from the\u00a0grain (Fig. 733). Though most Zulu women know how to make\u00a0beer, those considered to have \u201ctasteful hands\u201d are sought to\u00a0produce the drink for special celebrations.\u00a0Beer is linked to hospitality, and drinking is tightly tied to\u00a0social and ceremonial life\u2014it is brewed for babies\u2019 naming ceremonies,\u00a0coming-of-age ceremonies, dispute settlements, weddings, and funerals. Beer is also sacred. Women who are not ritually\u00a0pure\u2014pregnant, menstruating or breast-feeding\u2014cannot\u00a0prepare it. At the end of the brewing process, the vat is placed\u00a0on a raised altar to the ancestors in the dark recesses dedicated\u00a0to them at the back of the main compound home. Ancestors\u00a0also have a pot that always contains a small amount of\u00a0beer at their disposal. Drinking takes place at ground level and\u00a0serving vessels stay there as well, to honor the ancestors buried\u00a0there by dropping fresh beer\u2019s skimmed foam to the ground next\u00a0to the pot as an offering. Ancestors are\u00a0themselves sociable, and grow annoyed if the household doesn\u2019t\u00a0hold feasts with beer and meat, for those occasions are held in\u00a0their honor and enhance their posthumous reputation.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 734. Incised decoration on a beer pot. Zulu female artist, South Africa, 20th century.\u00a0Cleveland State University, 2002.12. Gift of William\u00a0B. Simmons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 735. Terracotta beer transport pot (uphiso). Zulu female artist, South Africa, early 20th century. H 14.5\u201d. Cleveland State University, 2002.12. Gift of William B. Simmons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The decorative raised bumps (amasumpa<\/em>) that occur on\u00a0wooden containers appear even more frequently on pots, sparingly\u00a0placed in asymmetric clusters that often conform to geometric\u00a0shapes, such as triangles, circles or six-pointed stars.\u00a0Some scholars associate their patterns with long-abandoned\u00a0young women\u2019s abdominal scarifications, whose location intentionally\u00a0conjures thoughts of fecundity. Others link them to\u00a0cows’ teats or to herds, symbols of nourishment and wealth respectively.\u00a0Incised decoration on pottery is also common, and\u00a0both approaches generally appear on a pot\u2019s \u201cshoulder\u201d (Fig. 734). The dark color of most serving vessels further\u00a0associates them with family forebears, who are said to prefer\u00a0darkness, and only black vessels are used at ritual ceremonies\u00a0for the ancestral protection they suggest. These pots\u2019 distinctive finish is achieved by first burnishing\u00a0them with a pebble, reducing oxidation during the open pit firing\u00a0(which employs cattle dung as well as wood) by using leaves or\u00a0grass, then applying soot, ash, and cattle fat to the completed\u00a0terracotta and refiring it. Both dung and fat call the ancestors\u00a0to mind as well, since all cattle products are linked to the family\u00a0dead.\u00a0Zulu pottery is known for its extremely thin walls and graceful\u00a0form. Pots with necks (uphiso<\/em>) (Fig. 735) are used to transport\u00a0beer for celebrations to minimize spillage (Fig. 736), and leaves are\u00a0sometimes stuffed into the neck as a further preventative.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 736. Two women carrying beer containers on heads at a wedding ceremony. Zulu, near Pietermaritzburg, South Africa, 1905.\u00a0Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1999.11.14. Creative Commons \u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 737. Terracotta ukhamba<\/em> beer container with woven fiber lid (imbenge<\/em>). Zulu female artist, South Africa, early 20th century. H 8.75\u201d. Cleveland State University, 2002.04 and 2002.05. Gift of William B. Simmons.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Depending\u00a0on the gathering, a fairly large pot may be placed inside\u00a0a ring of guests, who are then served with a ladle, or individual\u00a0vessels may be distributed. People use neckless pots (ukhamba<\/em>)\u00a0to drink from, and basketry caps (imbenge<\/em>) protect their contents\u00a0(Fig. 737). Once drinking begins, an upturned cap indicates\u00a0a refill is requested.\u00a0These vessels are not changeless. Excavations suggest that\u00a0blackened beer vessels emerged in the mid-nineteenth century,\u00a0and were preceded by tightly-woven beer baskets\u2014also still manufactured. In more recent times, amasumpa<\/em> decorations\u00a0spell out words or form recognizable motifs, and are\u00a0not individually attached as they once were. Instead, in order to\u00a0save time, a raised band is applied to the pot and sliced with a\u00a0knife for a similar, but time-saving, effect.\u00a0Although most Zulu pot types once used for cooking and serving\u00a0food have long been replaced by manufactured goods, those\u00a0linked to beer are still crafted, underlining the ritual aspects of\u00a0the traditional brew. Production has also expanded to fill the\u00a0demands of non-brewing patrons, who buy works for display\u00a0purposes and internationally promote the work of select master\u00a0potters.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 738. Tightly-woven basket. Zulu, South Africa, 20th century. H 16.93″.\u00a0Etnografiska museet\u00a01981.21.0002. Creative Commons CC-BY<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Zulu pottery constitutes one art form that has continued\u00a0into the twentieth century, but not only because of continued\u00a0home brewing with its social and ritual aspects. Recognition\u00a0from the South African art world has led to an elevation for potters.\u00a0Their works are now displayed in galleries and museums,\u00a0and the potters\u2019 names are now recorded, their work discussed\u00a0and emulated, inspiring academically-trained artists who did\u00a0not grow up with this tradition, such as Ian Garrett. On a smaller scale, similar accolades are now\u00a0showered on basketmakers. Men used to produce baskets and\u00a0mats, but missionary influence shifted fiber crafts to women,\u00a0following European patterns. By the 1970s, production of intricate beer baskets (Fig. 738) had nearly\u00a0ceased, but a revival and expansion have since taken place. As\u00a0in Botswana, the new baskets are rarely used, although they are\u00a0functional. They have become display pieces for non-Zulu, rather\u00a0than household objects, and artists vie with one another to\u00a0create patterns far more intricate than anything made a century\u00a0ago.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 739. Four women’s calabash snuff containers with brass or copper wire decoration. Top left<\/strong>: Zulu, South Africa, late 19th\/early 20th century. H 2.36″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.1470. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Top right<\/strong>: Zulu or Sotho, South Africa, before\u00a01890. H 2.48″. Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-803-39l.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom right<\/strong>:\u00a0Zulu, South Africa, before 1891. H 2.95″.\u00a0Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-837-1.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Bottom left<\/strong>: Zulu, South Africa, before 1891. H 1.97″. Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-837-5. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>.
<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Most other household and personal items have gone\u00a0through a lot of changes, unsurprising considering the multiple\u00a0political and social upheavals of the past century and a half.\u00a0Although Zulu snuff-taking is still prevalent, the intricate and\u00a0varied containers and implements associated with its past use\u00a0have vanished. The Zulu state that snuff heightens awareness.\u00a0Non-tobacco snuffs can be used for medicinal purposes\u2014the\u00a0powdered bark of the umkwangu<\/em> tree and the powdered root of\u00a0iyeza<\/em> (Anemone caffra<\/em>) both cure headaches.\u00a0Most snuff-taking did employ tobacco, however, in the form of a\u00a0fine, dry powder meant to be inhaled with a subsequent sneeze.\u00a0A common offering to the ancestors, it had\u00a0a ritual dimension as well as a secular one.\u00a0Snuff-taking was most often a social activity, and the public\u00a0use of implements provided opportunities to display taste and\u00a0wealth. Both men and women kept snuff on their person. Women\u00a0used small bead or wire-decorated gourds Fig. 739), while men tended to use horn containers that were often made to be tucked into a gauged earlobe or perform\u00a0double duty as hair<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 740. Bone snuff spoons. Zulu male artists, South Africa. Top<\/strong>: Bone or horn snuff-spoon\/comb with red sealing wax fill. Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1909. L 5.71″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1953,25.50. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>. Middle<\/strong>: Bone snuff spoon. Zulu artist, South Africa, probably 20th century. L\u00a06 9\/16″.\u00a0\u00a9\u00a0Princeton University Art Museum<\/a>, 1998-678. Bequest of John B. Elliott, Class of 1951.\u00a0Bottom<\/strong>: Double horn snuff spoon on a glass-beaded necklace. 1880-1915.\u00a0Science Museum Group Collection<\/a>,\u00a0A658314. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 742. This wooden container’s lid is missing. Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1865. H 15.35″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.1559.a. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

ornaments. These were not necessarily singular objects\u2014several nearly identical, delicately-carved versions have survived\u00a0the past century. Men and women\u2019s hair was also the site\u00a0of snuff spoons, carved from bone in an extensive<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 741. Zulu man holding horn snuff spoon, South Africa, ca. 1865. Photo by Benjamin William Caney, Durban. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1998.67.8. Creative Commons \u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

assortment\u00a0of shapes (Fig. 740), some with C-shaped bowls, others with\u00a0zig-zagging stems. Although these were used to convey snuff to\u00a0the nostrils (Fig. 741), many were comb-shaped in order to fix them more\u00a0securely in the hair. Some larger wooden containers, formerly thought to be milk vessels, may have held snuff at gatherings, or were commissioned by Europeans (Fig. 742). None of these items are made any longer,\u00a0since commercial snuff containers easily fit in the purses or\u00a0pockets that formerly didn\u2019t exist.<\/p>\n

Zulu dolls were also often carried, but by young women as\u00a0meaningful display pieces, rather than toys. Over a core of wood or cloth, early 20th century dolls were cylindrical,\u00a0covered with beaded patterns except for their featureless faces (Fig. 743).\u00a0Hair was represented by fiber or beaded strands in a style once\u00a0popular with unmarried girls, similar to that now worn by female\u00a0ritual specialists. Although childless women sometimes\u00a0carried them, hoping to induce pregnancy, these were usually the property of teenagers. The\u00a0dolls were\u00a0frequently attached to cording that allowed them to\u00a0hang over the shoulder. Young women offered their dolls<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 743. Zulu doll made from beads, a calabash, and raffia, South Africa,\u00a01900-1950. H\u00a09 5\/8″. Detroit Institute of Arts, 76.81. Founders Society Purchase, Eleanor Clay Ford Fund for African Art. Public domain.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

to boys\u00a0to initiate romantic relationships, but this token of affection only\u00a0bound the giver, not the receiver. Over the course of the twentieth\u00a0century, the dolls grew much larger, gaining beaded facial\u00a0features and hats. After apartheid was instituted in 1948, travel\u00a0restrictions prevented young women from visiting sweethearts\u00a0working in the cities. Instead, they often had studio photographs\u00a0taken of themselves with their dolls, sending the photographs\u00a0instead, a practice that continued until apartheid\u2019s end in 1994. Zulu doll use is part of a widespread\u00a0southern African practice that includes the Sotho, Xhosa, Tsonga, and others.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 744. Two wooden prepuce covers.\u00a0Zulu; South Africa, before 1883. L 2.76″.\u00a0 Wereldmuseum Rotterdam, RV-389-110.\u00a0Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

In the nineteenth century, clothing varied according to age,\u00a0marital status, and social rank. Despite the frequently chilly\u00a0weather, many Zulu men and women at this time wore dress\u00a0that frequently left them with bare chests, arms, and legs. Standards\u00a0of modesty required maidens to bare their breasts, while\u00a0all males who had reached puberty wore prepuce covers over the glans of their penis.\u00a0These varied in shape and material, made of basketry, banana\u00a0leaves, calabash, leather or wood; fiber examples usually belonged\u00a0to married men. They usually took\u00a0either a cup-like or globular shape (Fig. 744), but were usually\u00a0hidden by a loincloth of animal tails or pelts. While exposure of\u00a0the penis as a whole was not considered an embarrassment\u2014indeed, younger men occasionally wore naught but the penis\u00a0cover\u2014an exposed glans and prepuce were tantamount to vulgarity.\u00a0The monarch Shaka required two European men resident\u00a0in his domain to wear these covers, even though they wore trousers. Absence of a prepuce cover left the wearer\u00a0vulnerable to evil intentions and supernatural tampering, which\u00a0could also occur if the cover were handled by another. Normally,\u00a0they were destroyed at the owner\u2019s death.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 745. Zulu warrior, South Africa, 1840s. In George French Angas,\u00a0from\u00a0The Kafirs illustrated in a series of drawings taken among the Amazulu, Amaponda and Amakosa tribes<\/em>\u00a0(London: J. Hogarth, 1849). Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Daily\u00a0dress contrasted sharply with a warrior\u2019s formal attire, which\u00a0included feathers that added height (Fig. 745). In the late nineteenth century, men\u2019s rural styles were relatively\u00a0independent of European directions. They wore a variety\u00a0of hairstyles when young, replacing them as married men with a\u00a0beeswax and sinew-coated fiber ring sewn into the hair\u00a0(Fig.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 746. Necklace made from carved bone, glass beads, and sinew. Zulu or Northern Nguni, South Africa, 19th century. L 15″.\u00a0Cleveland Museum of Art, 2010.231. Gift of Dori and Daniel Rootenberg in memory of Estelle Rosenberg. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

741). After the 1879 defeat of the Zulu kingdom,\u00a0all important adult men could wear necklaces made from\u00a0imitation lion\u2019s claws\u00a0 (Fig. 746). These had also\u00a0been worn by other Nguni groups, but were formerly restricted\u00a0to royal use, then to regional chiefs and\u00a0counselors. Like other South African men in the nineteenth century,\u00a0Zulu males carried knobkerries (Fig. 747), wooden clubs that\u00a0served as close-quarters weapons for fighting or hunting game.\u00a0The British banned large examples, insisting in the Cape area\u00a0that the knob must be small enough for the owner\u2019s mouth to\u00a0contain it, while in Natal their numbers were restricted. They continued to be male accessories, even\u00a0as the warrior ethos was restricted. Handed\u00a0down from father to son, and became heirlooms that had a\u00a0ritual focus. Under\u00a0twentieth-century apartheid, urban migrants risked arrest for\u00a0carrying them, but members of urban ethnic associations did so\u00a0anyway when carrying them to Sunday boxing matches. Night\u00a0watchmen were permitted to use them, and employed more colorful\u00a0telephone wire to braid patterns onto the sticks and knobs.<\/p>\n

Change has greatly affected Zulu dress. Urban migrants adopted Western dress, although ethnic affiliations continued to appear\u00a0in twentieth-century<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 747. Ritual specialists with a knobkerrie. Zulu, South Africa, ca. 1865. Photo by Fry & Co., Durban. Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford, 1998.67.4. Creative Commons \u00a0CC BY-NC-ND 4.0<\/a>.<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 748. This Western-style vest with plastic buttons was covered with seed beads in geometric patterns. Zulu female artist, South Africa, 20th century? \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, 2011,2045.1. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

photographs via accessories or beaded attire,\u00a0which might include a band added by a wife or girlfriend to\u00a0purchased clothing, or completely beaded vests (Fig. 748).\u00a0Today, most Zulu\u00a0men and women wear sweaters, trousers, skirts, knit caps, and\u00a0other manufactured clothing, though ceremonial occasions and\u00a0events encouraging ethnic pride require dress based on earlier\u00a0fashions. In general, however, Christianity and the expectations\u00a0of former white rulers imposed absolute shifts from exposure\u00a0to a more covered body in the city, and influenced rural areas as\u00a0well. Under apartheid, however, oppositional use of traditional\u00a0dress became a form of political subversion, and studio portraits\u00a0often showed girls in traditional beadwork and uncovered\u00a0breasts up until the early 1990s (Fig. 749).\u00a0Younger men wore (and continue\u00a0to wear) beadwork made by admiring females. These love\u00a0gifts could not be presented to prospective boyfriends until a girl\u00a0had gained permission from her seniors to enter into courtship\u00a0relations. Girls made them themselves, using glass imported\u00a0glass beads. The popular rectangular-tabbed \u201clove letters\u201d include coded messages, although their use is idiosyncratic and colors\u00a0are uncodified (Fig. 750).\u00a0Locally-made beads from ostrich shells, bone, and other organic\u00a0materials had decorated clothing and persons for several\u00a0millennia.<\/p>\n

European bead importation increased significantly\u00a0in the mid-19th century, transforming Zulu<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 749. “Woman with umbrella and handkerchief<\/a>,” 1960-early 1980s. Zulu photographer Richard Ndimande’s studio photograph, collected by Frank Jolles. Special and Area Studies Collections, George A. Smathers Libraries, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

clothing and ornamentation\u00a0as beads became more readily available. These seed\u00a0beads\u2014the same time used by Native Americans\u2014<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 750. Left<\/strong>: Zulu man wearing beaded “love letters,” South Africa, ca. 1951.\u00a0
Tropenmuseum, TM-10004293. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Right top<\/strong>: Zulu, South Africa, 20th century. H 2.76″. Afrika Museum Berg en Dal, AM-1-223. Donor\u00a0Congregatie van de Heilige Geest (CSSp.). Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY SA 4.0<\/a>. Right bottom:\u00a0Zulu, South Africa, 20th century. W 4.12″. Collected by H.K. Wagner.\u00a0Ethnologisches Museum | Afrika.\u00a0\u00a9 Foto: Ethnologisches Museum der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin – Preu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz,\u00a0III D 4615. Creative Commons BY-NC-SA<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

intensified\u00a0color in the dress of many southern Africa groups, and were a\u00a0staple of women\u2019s art. In the mid-nineteenth century, women\u2019s\u00a0dress was made primarily from cow leather or goatskin (Fig. 751), or even from fiber (Fig. 752). Betrothal accorded young women the right to wear hide skirts; longer versions were scented and restricted to married\u00a0women. Beaded accessories\u00a0indicated wealth in the 19th century, since imported beads were still expensive\u00a0at that time. Early beadwork was striking but limited in scope; beaded\u00a0headbands and necklaces, flowers, and even porcupine quills\u00a0drew attention to the face. As beads became increasingly available,\u00a0female dress grew<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 751. Zulu women wearing hide skirts and brewing beer near the Tugala River, South Africa, 1840s. From George French Angas,\u00a0The Kafirs illustrated in a series of drawings taken among the Amazulu, Amaponda and Amakosa tribes<\/em>\u00a0(London: J. Hogarth, 1849). Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 752. Fiber apron. Zulu, South Africa, 1860-1869. W 18.35″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af.3087. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

increasingly complex. Varying according\u00a0to region, a series of decorated aprons or caches-sexe (Fig. 753) became de rigueur, as did leg decorations, belts, and\u00a0other ornamentation. Girls also made necklaces of the \u201clove letter\u201d\u00a0type for their own use, and wore other kinds of jewelry as\u00a0well, such as necklaces from scented strips of wood, separated\u00a0by spacer beads (Fig. 754).<\/p>\n

Over time, both Zulu accessories and dress continued to change. Plugs for gauged ears grew popular ca. 1950, then dropped out of fashion by about 1990 (Fig. 755). Dark manufactured cloths with minor<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 753. Beaded apron. Zulu female artist, South Africa, early 20th century. W 38.2″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1954; +23.197. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 754. Necklaces like this made from scented wood are in numerous collections. Zulu woman, South Africa, ca. 1896. Photo by Otto Witt. Ethnografiska Museet, 0010.0016. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

 <\/p>\n

beaded motifs became de rigeur for married women (Fig. 756) and are still worn. Festival and daily dress often also include printed shweshwe<\/em>\u00a0cloths, formerly imported from Europe and now manufactured\u00a0in South Africa.<\/p>\n

Women\u2019s hairstyles reflected marital status. By the late\u00a0nineteenth century, wives\u2019 coiffures<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 755. Ear plugs made from two wooden pieces with plastic and leather additions. Zulu, South Africa, 1960s-1970s. D for most 2.2″ \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1999,05.7.a-b. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 756. More recent “traditional” clothing employs dark manufactured cloth with limited beading. Top<\/strong>: Touristic performance at Zulu Nyala outside Johannesburg, South Africa, 2014. Photo by triciahealey. Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. Middle<\/strong>: Woman’s cloak with beaded motifs. Zulu female artist, South Africa, late 20th century. W 33.25″. Minneapolis Institute of Art, 91.84. The Ethel Morrison Van Derlip Fund. Public domain. Bottom<\/strong>: Apron with beaded motifs worn the back. Zulu female artist, South Africa, ca. 1974. W 50″. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af1997; 06.231. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

(isicholo<\/em>) were vertically\u00a0 extended with the addition of woven grasses or false hair into\u00a0a conical shape with a basketry armature, held by a mix of pomade\u00a0and red ochre, with headbands at the sometimes shaved hairline. The turn of\u00a0the century saw a gradual transformation of this hairstyle into a\u00a0hat\/wig of the same name, its shape varying according to district.\u00a0In the Tugela Ferry area, its shape was shallow and broadly\u00a0flared, while in some regions it became cylindrical. At\u00a0first it had a basketry base\u00a0overlaid with a hair and string netting,\u00a0covered with the red ochre pomade; red yarn was used subsequently\u00a0as well. In order to\u00a0maintain their shape, leaves were often stuffed into the edges of\u00a0the isicholo\u00a0<\/em>(Fig. 757). Initially fairly plain, sometimes beaded bands were\u00a0added in the twentieth century, and color range expanded. Today\u00a0these are no longer daily wear for most women, but may\u00a0appear for festive occasions, accompanied by beaded headbands (Fig. 756 top).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 757. From a 19th-century flared hairstyle, the isicholo<\/em> transformed into a married woman’s hat–first with real hair, then with fiber and wool, all covered with red ochre. It now comes in a variety of colors. Top<\/strong>: Zulu woman between Greytown and Dundee, South Africa, 1970. Tropenmuseum TM-20014801. Creative Commons. Second from top<\/strong>: Zulu hat, South Africa, early 20th century. D 12″. Detroit Institute of Arts, 2019.8. Gift of Dede and Oscar Feldman. Public domain. Third from top<\/strong>: Zulu hat with metal additions, Msinga region, South Africa, ca. 1940. D 15.75″. \u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 70.1999.11.180. Bottom<\/strong>: Zulu hat, South Africa, 20th century. Hair, raffia, pigment. D 16″. Minneapolis Institute of Art, 97.7.1. Gift of Funds from the Regis Foundation. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Zulu arts were originally sleek and geometric, permeated all phases of daily life. In part, this was possible because cattle herders have a substantial amount of free time to make objects. A shift to urban life and salaried jobs robbed many Zulu of that leisure, and changes in lifestyle made many prestige objects used by aristocrats unnecessary.<\/p>\n

New arts arose, however. Introduced by British immigrant Sir Marshall Campbell in 1892, rickshaws began transporting Durban citizens, with Zulu men working as pullers. At that time, the rickshaws were not owned by the pullers, and their appearance was plain. Competition among the pullers was considerable; in 1904, over 2000 pullers were government-registered. This created a need to stand out, and they began to both decorate their rickshaws and wear headpieces that featured bovine horns. At first, these were fairly simple (Fig. 758), but as the century advanced, so did their complexity (Fig. 759). Feathers–part of traditional Zulu male headgear–were added, and new beaded attire was invented.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 758. Zulu men adorned with horns posed by their rickshaws. One has whitewashed and patterned calves and feet in imitation of schoolgirls’ kneesocks. Durban, South Africa, 1890-1923. Library of Congress, cph.3a40978. Frank and Frances Carpenter Collection. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

As car ownership increased, there was little practical need for rickshaws. Today, there are only about twenty pullers, usually stationed at hotels or the beach for short tourist trips or photo opportunities. In 2011, the poor condition of many of the rickshaws and puller attire led to a collaborative project between Durban’s Rickshaw Pullers Association and the staff and students of Workspace, part of the\u00a0Department of Visual\u00a0Communication Design at Durban University of Technology, with the support of municipal authorities. This was intended to both provide a facelift for the rickshaws and their position as a unique aspect of local artistry, and to familiarize graphic designers with Zulu design.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 759. Rickshaw pullers’ headpieces. Zulu, Durban, South Africa. Top<\/strong>: Headpiece has a metal and wooden framework and is made of cotton-covered leather with beadwork, pompoms, mirrored cardboard ornaments, ostrich feathers, and painted wooden horns. Worn with tunic with beaded panels, waist garment, and apron; cloth, mirrors, beadwork, plastic, pompoms, fringe, cotton tape. H of headdress 44.88″. Before 1996. Af1996,20.1.a-d. Bottom<\/strong>: Headdress made from feathers, beads, fiber, horn; worn with cape. Zulu, Durban, South Africa, 20th century. H 64″. Minneapolis Institute of Art. 73.14a,b. The Christina N. and Swan J. Turnblad Memorial Fund. Public domain.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Another new direction for traditional arts has opened up with an international interest in\u00a0Zulu basketry.\u00a0In the 19th century, plain woven grass baskets gave way to examples with wire ornamentation in brass and\u00a0copper. Versions decorated with beads, buttons, keys and other\u00a0materials emerged in the early 20th century, followed by examples made solely\u00a0from colorful telephone wire. Men make many sizes and shapes of wire baskets, but one of the most popular forms consists of an enlarged and inverted wire\u00a0imbenge<\/em>, which has become<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 760. Shallow basket made of telephone wire. Zulu male artist, South Africa, before 1991. D 8.86″.\u00a0
\u00a9 Mus\u00e9e du Quai Branly, 71.1991.189.2.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

a\u00a0shallow\u00a0basket,\u00a0rather than a beer pot lid (Fig. 760).<\/p>\n

Beading has provided Zulu women with new economic and artistic opportunities.\u00a0High-end necklaces that mimic the shapes of some traditional jewelry are sold in fashionable shops, their colors and patterns departing from older ornaments.\u00a0Beaded bands and necklaces for tourists are a frequent market sight (Fig. 761), as are dolls and “love letters.” Some of the latter incorporate the red ribbon symbol that signifies HIV\/AIDS awareness, since South Africa\u00a0has the highest HIV rate in\u00a0the world,<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 761. Touristic beadwork includes representations of the South African flag. Zulu female artists,\u00a0Essenwood Market, Durban, South Africa 2007. Photo by\u00a0ethekwinigirl. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC 2.0<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
\"\"<\/a>
Fig. 762. Cloth-covered wooden crucifix with beaded Christ, his body bearing 8 AIDS ribbons. Zulu female artist, South Africa, 2002. H 19.76. \u00a9 Trustees of the British Museum, Af2002,07.4. Creative Commons\u00a0CC BY-NC-SA 4.0<\/a>.\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

affecting 7.1 million people. The ribbon even shows up in some three-dimensional work, including a commissioned crucifix (Fig. 762).\u00a0<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Further Reading<\/h3>\n

Armstrong, Juliet. \u201cCeremonial Beer Pots and their Uses.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds.\u00a0Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past\u00a0<\/em>and Present<\/em>, pp. 414-417. New York: Columbia University\u00a0Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

Armstrong, Juliet and Ian Calder. \u201cTraditional Zulu Pottery.\u201d In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed.\u00a0Zulu treasures: of kings and\u00a0<\/em>commoners: a celebration of the material culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp.\u00a0107-114.\u00a0 Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and Local\u00a0History Museums, 1996.<\/p>\n

Arnoldi, Mary Jo and Christine Mullen Kreamer. Crowning Achievements: African Arts of\u00a0Dressing the Head<\/em>. Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1995.<\/p>\n

Berzock, Kathleen Bickford. For Hearth and Altar: African Ceramics from the Keith Achepohl\u00a0Collection<\/em>. New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press for The Art Institute of\u00a0Chicago, 2005.<\/p>\n

Biermann, Barrie. \u201cIndlu: The Domed Dwelling of the Zulu.\u201d In Ed. Paul Oliver.\u00a0Shelter in Africa,<\/em> pp. 96-105.\u00a0London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1971.<\/p>\n

Cameron, Elisabeth with a contribution by Doran H. Ross. Isn\u2019t S\/he a Doll? Play and Ritual in\u00a0<\/em>African Sculpture.<\/em> Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History 1996.<\/p>\n

Carton, Benedict; John Laband and Jabulani Sithole, eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and\u00a0<\/em>Present<\/em>. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

Connor, Michael. \u201cThe 19th Century Nguni Prepuce Cover: A Vanished Aesthetic Locus.\u201d\u00a033rd Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association. Baltimore, 1990. Accessed July\u00a028, 2013, http:\/\/www.ezakwantu.com\/Gallery_Penis_Cover_Prepuce_Cover.htm.<\/p>\n

Conru, Kevin. The Art of Southeast Africa from the Conru Collection<\/em>. Milan: 5 Continents, 2002.<\/p>\n

Dewey, William J. Sleeping Beauties<\/em>. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1993.<\/p>\n

Douglas Dawson Gallery. Ukhamba: Masterworks of Zulu Potters<\/em>. Chicago: Douglas Dawson,\u00a02006.<\/p>\n

Fowler, Kent D. \u201cClassification and collapse: the ethnohistory of Zulu ceramic use.\u201d Southern\u00a0<\/em>African Humanities<\/em> 18 (2, 2006): 93\u2013117.<\/p>\n

Gatfield, Rowan. “Walking with Dignity: The Durban Rickshaw Renovation Project<\/a>.” Durban, 2012.<\/p>\n

de Haas, Mary. \u201cBeer.\u201d In Ubumba: aspects of indigenous ceramics in KwaZulu-Natal<\/em>, pp. 13-17;\u00a0124-129; 141-147. Pietermaritzburg, SA: Tatham Art Gallery, 1998.<\/p>\n

Hammond-Tooke, W. D. \u201cCattle Symbolism in Zulu Culture.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds.\u00a0Zulu Identities: Being Zulu,\u00a0<\/em>Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 62-68.\u00a0 New York: Columbia University\u00a0Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

Hooper, Lindsay. \u201cDomestic Arts: Carved Wooden Objects in the Home.\u201d In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed.\u00a0Zulu treasures: of\u00a0<\/em>kings and commoners: a celebration of the material culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>,\u00a0pp. 73-79.\u00a0 Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and\u00a0Local History Museums, 1996.<\/p>\n

Jolles, Frank. \u201cZulu Beer Vessels.\u201d In Stefan\u00a0Eisenhofer, ed.\u00a0Spuren des Regenbogens: Kunst und Leben im s\u00fcdlich\u00a0Afrika\/Tracing the Rainbow: Art and Life in Southern Africa<\/em>, pp. 306-319. Linz: Arnoldsche\/Land Oberosterreich, 2001.<\/p>\n

Jolles, Frank. African Dolls: The Dulger-Collection<\/em>. Stuttgart: Arnoldsche, 2010.<\/p>\n

Jolles, Frank. \u201cThe origins of the twentieth century Zulu beer vessel styles.\u201d Southern African\u00a0<\/em>Humanities<\/em> 17 (December, 2005): 101\u2013151.<\/p>\n

Kennedy, Carolee. The Art and Material Culture of the Zulu-Speaking Peoples<\/em>. Los Angeles:\u00a0UCLA Museum of Cultural History, 1978.<\/p>\n

Klopper, Sandra. \u201cKings, commoners and foreigners: artistic production and the consumption\u00a0of art in the southeast African region.\u201d In Kevin Conru, ed. The Art of Southeast Africa from the Conru Collection<\/em>, pp. 39-52. Milan: 5 Continents, 2002.<\/p>\n

Klopper, Sandra. \u201cPassing things off as Zulu.\u201d In Voice-Overs: Wits writings exploring African\u00a0artworks<\/em>, pp. 78-79. Johannesburg: University of the Witswatersrand Art Galleries, 2004.<\/p>\n

Klopper, Sandra, Anitra C. E. Nettleton and Terence Pethica. The Art of Southern Africa: The\u00a0Terence Pethica Collection<\/em>. Milan: 5 Continents, 2007.<\/p>\n

Koopman, Adrian. \u201cZulu Names.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 439-448.\u00a0New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

Krige, E. J. “Girl’s Puberty Songs and Their Relation to Fertility, Health, Morality, and Religion among the Zulu.”\u00a0Africa<\/i>\u00a038 (1968):173-198.<\/p>\n

Labelle, Marie-Louise. \u201cBeads of Life: Eastern and Southern African Adornments.\u201d African\u00a0Arts<\/em> 38 (1, 2005): 12-35; 93.<\/p>\n

Lewin, David. Spirit of Africa: Southern Africa by Design<\/em>. Gimhae-Si, ROK: Clayarch Gimhae\u00a0Museum, 2007.<\/p>\n

Magwaza,\u00a0Thenjiwe. \u201c\u2019So That I Will Be a Marriageable Girl\u2019: Umemulo in Contemporary\u00a0Zulu Society.\u201d In Benedict\u00a0Carton, et. al., eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 482-496. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

Mayr, Father Fr. \u201cThe Zulu Kafirs of Natal.\u201d Anthropos<\/em> 2 (3, 1907): 392-399.<\/p>\n

Mayr, Father Fr. \u201cZulu Proverbs.\u201d Anthropos<\/em> 7 (4, 1912): 957-963.<\/p>\n

Morris, Jean and Eleanor Preston-Whyte. Speaking with Beads: Zulu Arts from Southern Africa<\/em>.\u00a0London: Thames & Hudson, 1994.<\/p>\n

Nel, Karel. \u201cConsonant with cattle-culture: the art of the portable,\u201d In Kevin Conru, ed. The Art of Southeast\u00a0<\/em>Africa from the Conru Collection<\/em>, pp. 13-38.\u00a0 Milan: 5 Continents, 2002.<\/p>\n

Ngubane, Harriet. \u201cSome Notions of \u2018Purity\u2019 and \u2018Impurity\u2019 among the Zulu.\u201d Africa<\/em> 46 (3,\u00a01976): 274-284.<\/p>\n

Papin, Robert. \u201cSome Zulu uses for the animal domains: Livestock (imguyo<\/em>) and game\u00a0(iziwane<\/em>).\u201d In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed. Zulu treasures: of kings and commoners: a celebration of the material culture\u00a0of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp. 183-215. Ulandi and\u00a0Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and Local History Museums, 1996.<\/p>\n

Petridis, Constantine. The Art of Daily Life: Portable Objects from Southern Africa<\/em>. Cleveland, OH:\u00a0 Cleveland Museum of Art\/Milan: 5 Continents Editions: 2011.<\/p>\n

Poland, Marguerite. \u201cZulu Cattle: Colour patterns and imagery in the names of Zulu cattle.\u201d\u00a0In Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed. Zulu Treasures: Of King and Commoners<\/em>, pp. 35-42.\u00a0 Durban:\u00a0KwaZulu Cultural Museum and the Local History Museums, 1996.<\/p>\n

Proctor, Andr\u00e9 and Sandra Klopper. \u201cThrough the Barrel of a Bead: The Personal and the\u00a0Political in the Beadwork of the Eastern Cape.\u201d In Ezakwantu: Beadwork from the Eastern\u00a0<\/em>Cape<\/em>, pp. 56-65. Cape Town: National Gallery of South Africa, 1993.<\/p>\n

Rankin-Smith, Fiona. \u201cBeauty in the Hard Journey: Defining Trends in Twentieth-century Zulu\u00a0Art.\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds.\u00a0Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 409-413.\u00a0New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

van Schalkwyk, Loretta, ed. Zulu treasures: of kings and commoners: a celebration of the material\u00a0<\/em>culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp. 73-79. Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu\u00a0Museum and Local History Museums, 1996.<\/p>\n

Streetton, Jenny. All Fired Up: Conversations between Kiln and Collection<\/em>. Durban: Durban Art\u00a0Gallery, 2012.<\/p>\n

Winters, Yvonne. \u201cThe Secret of Zulu Bead Language and Proportion and Balance of the\u00a0Zulu Headrest (Isigqiki).\u201d In Benedict Carton, et. al., eds. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present<\/em>, pp. 418-423. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.<\/p>\n

Wood, Marilee. \u201cZulu beadwork.\u201d In\u00a0Loretta van Schalkwyk, ed. Zulu treasures: of kings and commoners: a celebration of the\u00a0<\/em>material culture of Zulu people = Amagugu kaZulu<\/em>, pp. 143-170.\u00a0Ulandi and Durban, SA: KwaZulu Museum and Local History Museums, 1996.<\/p>\n

van Wyk, Gary. \u201cIlluminated signs: Style and Meaning in the Beadwork of the Xhosa- and\u00a0Zulu-Speaking Peoples.\u201d African Arts<\/em> 36 (3, 2003): 12-33; 93-94.<\/p>\n

van Wyk, Gary. \u201cPots in Zulu symbolism.\u201d Studio Potter<\/em> 35 (1, 2006): 26-30.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"author":72,"menu_order":4,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-1064","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":1055,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/1064","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/72"}],"version-history":[{"count":39,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/1064\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3513,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/1064\/revisions\/3513"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/1055"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/1064\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1064"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=1064"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=1064"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/bright-continent\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=1064"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}