{"id":44,"date":"2020-03-12T17:37:55","date_gmt":"2020-03-12T17:37:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/?post_type=chapter&p=44"},"modified":"2020-04-03T05:43:11","modified_gmt":"2020-04-03T05:43:11","slug":"8-gathering-the-circle-art-history-and-music-for-the-public","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/chapter\/8-gathering-the-circle-art-history-and-music-for-the-public\/","title":{"rendered":"8. Gathering the Circle: Art, History, and Music for the Public"},"content":{"raw":"
\r\n\r\nThe life histories of the nonprofit institutions that came to be located in or near University Circle follow a pattern that reflects the themes of this book: community, philanthropy, and planning. The institutions came into being largely at the insistence of wealthy Clevelanders who had concerns about the need to serve particular segments of the city\u2019s population. Often they were moved by a desire to care for the especially needy:\u00a0the sick, the disabled,\u00a0the\u00a0aged. Just as often they wanted to serve the cultural and spiritual needs of a range of citizens in the community, including their own class.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe institutions were created and sustained almost entirely by philanthropy, often by the individual generosity of one\u00a0member of Cleveland\u2019s business elite. The closeness of the institutions to the city\u2019s upper class is symbolized by the frequency with which their former residences became the initial (and sometimes permanent) locations of the institutions. Certainly the early founders and directors knew there were advantages to acquiring large, well-built houses for institutional purposes, especially when they often had designs easily adapted to institutional use,\u00a0such as the\u00a0distinct\u00a0separation of service functions (kitchens and laundries) from bedrooms and dining areas, and the spaciousness of large entertainment and reception rooms that could be adapted to offices and classrooms. Moreover, these residences were often given or sold at low cost to nascent institutions in order to provide them with suitable quarters.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe institutions gravitated to the Circle over time largely because the planning activities of those interested in the area \u2014 the businessmen of the Chamber of Commerce in the early 1900s and, later, the administrators of the existing Circle institutions \u2014 tried to create a setting favorable to culturally-oriented and other nonprofit institutions. At first through land allocation by the Wades and the University Improvement Corporation and, later, with the creation of the University Circle Development Foundation in 1957, through the provision of special services such as parking and private police, there developed a kind of centripetal force that pulled nonprofits into the Circle.[footnote]Chapters 11-13, following, further describe these developments.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nOverall, the nonprofits that eventually found their homes in the Circle showed a fairly consistent pattern of geographical movement. Virtually all those established in the 1800s or very early 1900s were first located either in the heart of the downtown to serve the truly needy who lived there or, if culturally-oriented, the institutions were located along the Euclid Avenue corridor where many of the city\u2019s wealthy lived.[footnote]Eric Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture, 1876-1976<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1979), pp. 13-17, 89.[\/footnote] In any case the siting of the institutions was convenient to the homes and workplaces of the early directors and trustees, who often served as the institutions\u2019 first operating staffs or otherwise exercised almost day-to-day supervision over programs.[footnote]I am writing about those institutions eventually sited in University Circle. Although a very large number of Cleveland\u2019s most important nonprofit institutions have clustered in the Circle, others have remained at or near where they were established (e.g., settlement houses), and others have followed migration patterns to the west or south of the city, following socio-economic groups in those directions similar to what I am describing here for what were generally elite institutions.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAs the population of the city continued to expand outward from the downtown, and as many of the city\u2019s wealthy moved eastward along Euclid Avenue or even into the University Circle area, the institutions followed. They relocated largely according to their clienteles: if they served the middle and upper class (with music and art education, for example) they tended to move out earlier and go out to the neighborhoods where those groups had moved. Thus the School of Art and the Western Reserve Historical Society arrived in the Circle very early. Those institutions that served a broad range of the city\u2019s population, or particularly needy groups, often had a slower eastward progress as those groups lagged in the general outward movement.[footnote]The movement of socio-economic groups (and their associated institutions such as fraternal organizations and churches) in distinct pathways outward from the urban core is a common phenomenon in American history. Scholars have not regularly commented on the similar movement of other types of nonprofit institutions. See, for example: Jon C. Teaford, The Twentieth-Century American City: Problem, Promise, and Reality<\/em> (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1986), pp. 23-25; Edward R. Miggins and Mary Morganthaler, \u201cThe Ethnic Mosaic: The Settlement of Cleveland by New Immigrants and Migrants,\u201d in Thomas P. Campbell and Edward F. Miggins, eds., The Birth of Modern Cleveland, 1865-1930<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1988), pp. 104-140; Howard L. Preston, Automobile Age Atlanta: The Making of a Southern Metropolis, 1900-1935<\/em> (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1979).[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAfter nonprofit institutions reached the Circle they tended to remain there even as the eastward-moving wave of city population washed past the area and as many of those served lived well out into the city\u2019s suburbs.[footnote]The apparent exception to this pattern is Cleveland\u2019s African-American population, which faced severe racial restrictions on outward migration. Important institutions serving that community have some outward migration, but have ended their movement short of the Circle: for example, the Eliza Bryant Center, Karamu House, and the Afro-American Cultural and Historical Society. See chapters 3 and 10 for discussions of African-American residential patterns. [Author\u2019s note: this commentary was written in 1990.][\/footnote] This retaining power of the Circle had several facets. The most important appears to be the conscious planning to make the Circle attractive to nonprofits. The increased provision for parking after the 1950s, for example, made it less convenient for institutions to be located in or near neighborhoods containing the people they served. Other factors were the interrelationship of functions (e.g., institutions serving the aged found it helpful to be in an area with excellent medical facilities), and the substantial investment that many institutions have made in their Circle facilities, that they would find difficult to recover if they moved.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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*\u00a0\u00a0 *\u00a0\u00a0 *<\/span><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n

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The Cleveland Museum of Art: Elite Management and Mass Appreciation<\/h2>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nHistorian Carl Wittke has remarked that Cleveland, in its early years, experienced a cultural vacuum that was characteristic of frontier settlements. Art did not contribute to winning the daily struggle for survival.[footnote]Carl Wittke, The First Fifty Years: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1916-1966<\/em> (Cleveland: The John Huntington Art and Polytechnic Trust, and the Cleveland Museum of Art, 1966), p. 12.[\/footnote] Cleveland\u2019s support for the fine arts of painting and sculpture through the mid-19th century generally fit Wittke\u2019s description. Still, as early as 1830, when there were only a few thousand souls in the town, a traveling exhibition of a historical painting was a significant event.[footnote]Annals of Cleveland<\/em> (Cleveland: Cleveland W.P.A. Project, 1936 - ) 13 (1830): 95.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAs the century wore on some Clevelanders acquired the wealth and leisure for collecting art. A benefit art show in 1878 drew on the possessions of such leading families as the Hays, Haydens, Eells, Wades, Mathers, Nortons, Severances, and Hurlbuts, but the show was an inconsistent melange of curiosities, creations of local artists, and European works. Two decades later the newly-formed Cleveland Art Association sponsored exhibitions, in 1893 and 1895, to raise money for the relief of those suffering from the economic depression of the time. Again, paintings and art objects were loaned by wealthy Clevelanders, but this time reflecting assiduous attempts to collect European art. The director of the so-called 1893 Loan Exhibition, Charles F. Olney, had already found sufficient interest and appreciation of art in Cleveland to support the small private museum on West 14th Street that he opened in 1892.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 18-21; David D. Van Tassel and John J. Grabowski, eds., Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em> (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1987), pp. 50-51, 740. The 1893 date of the first exhibition is confirmed in Samuel P. Orth, A History of Cleveland, Ohio<\/em> (Chicago and Cleveland: S. J. Clarke, 1910) 1: 461, while other sources are uncertain whether it was in 1893 or 1894.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nSuch events, and such private collecting, had little relationship to the artistic interests or needs of the vast number of Clevelanders. The occasional exhibitions showed that art as defined by Cleveland\u2019s elite consisted mostly of the products of widely recognized painters and sculptors from Europe;\u00a0socially-acceptable depictions of historical and religious scenes (again, mostly European);\u00a0and\u00a0American portraiture.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThese artistic interests had a curious relationship to the citizenry of the city, which included growing numbers of immigrants in the latter 19th and early 20th centuries. The upper and middle-class European immigrants, such as many Germans and Jews, often had classical educations and may have been better equipped to appreciate European art than the industrialists of Cleveland (often of ascetic New England stock). In fact, the first organization of professional artists in Cleveland (the Cleveland Art Club, founded in 1876) was nicknamed the Old Bohemians because the majority was of German extraction.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 50-51.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nMany other immigrants to Cleveland, especially those from southern Europe, arrived poorly-educated but from peasant societies where crafts and folk art were highly-developed. There is evidence that immigrant Clevelanders cherished those examples of native art which they brought with them from their homelands, but there is little to show that such art was of interest to the early art collectors of Cleveland.[footnote]E.g., Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 6, no. 3 (April 1919): 56.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThere was a continuing interest in creating a public art museum in Cleveland. As early as 1852 a farsighted newspaper editorial argued for one, stating that Cleveland, \u201cthe Philadelphia of the Northwest, enjoys a larger influx of strangers, who come either for business or pleasure, than any city west of New York. Now is the time to lay hold of this matter, while room is yet here to erect buildings for that special purpose.\u201d[footnote]Annals of Cleveland<\/em> 35 (1852): 186. It is unclear whether the editorialist conceived of an art museum only, or a general museum.[\/footnote] However, Clevelanders did not successfully \u201clay hold of the matter\u201d for about sixty years,\u00a0 well after most other major cities of the Northeast and Midwest had created art museums.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, separate bequests in the wills of Hinman B. Hurlbut (1884), Horace Kelley (1890), and John P. Huntington (1893) provided money for an art museum. Each of these men had made his fortune in the industrial-commercial expansion of Cleveland and had become educated in the fine arts by traveling abroad. (Hurlbut also had served as a trustee of Western Reserve University.) Since the bequests had varying conditions, and the disposition of the Huntington estate (the largest) was contested in court, it took some time for the trustees of the estates to agree on joint proceedings. In the end the Cleveland Museum of Art was established as the operating agency, and the distinctiveness of the bequests was preserved by formally designating one wing of the museum as the Huntington Galleries and the other as the Kelley Galleries, while the Hurlbut funds were devoted to the purchase of works of art.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 25-32, 35-39.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe trustees decided that new museum was to be located in Wade Park on the site Jeptha Wade had long before designated for an art gallery. In 1905 Wade\u2019s old friend Liberty Holden was selected to head the building committee.[footnote]William G. Rose, Cleveland: The Making of a City<\/em> (Cleveland: World Publishing, 1950), p. 650.[\/footnote] After eight years were consumed in negotiations with the city over the use of the Wade Park site, and in considering architectural plans, the trustees selected the Cleveland firm of Hubbell and Benes to design the building and ground was broken in May 1913. Completed in 1916, the museum presented a simple neo-classical front to the north side of the Wade Park pond, while its interior was a maze of galleries surrounding two sky-lighted courts.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, p. 39; Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, pp. 124-25[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe first director of the museum (1913-1930) was Frederic Allen Whiting, whose skills and direction rapidly established the Cleveland Museum of Art as one of the best in the United States. Whiting (1873-1959) came from a New England family, and early in life trained for and entered a business career. However, he turned to social work among the textile workers of Lowell, Massachusetts, and became interested in promoting their financial independence through the development of handicraft skills. In 1900 he became secretary of the Society of Arts and Crafts in Boston, and subsequently organized and became the leader of the National League of Handicraft Societies.[footnote]I.T. Frary, \u201cF.A. Whiting Resigns from Museum Directorship,\u201d press release, c. February 1930, in Biographical Material about Frederic Allen Whiting<\/em> (unpublished, 1949), reference no. U18W598.W59, Cleveland Museum of Art Library, Cleveland, OH; Cleveland Plain Dealer<\/em>, 23 December 1959.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn choosing Whiting as the first director the trustees showed that they were willing to define art broadly. In the words of the museum\u2019s historian\r\n
Whiting was not an artist or an art historian nor had he had any formal training in art education. He approached the problems of the Museum from the point of view of the <\/span>social worker and was especially interested in children and in making the Museum a service to all elements in the Cleveland community... Museums were to be \u201ccommunity schools for the <\/span>soul,\u201d laboratories for the development of art appreciation, not simply mausoleums in which to store buried treasures.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 46-47.[\/footnote]<\/span><\/blockquote>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nWhiting lost no time informing the public of his philosophy and of what sort of program he expected to carry out. He instituted the publication of a museum\u00a0Bulletin<\/em> within a year of his hiring, and in the first issue announced that \u201cthe Museum\u2019s collections should grow in accordance with the special needs of the community, and certain collections should be formed for the special benefit of our industries. It would seem advisable, for instance, that Cleveland -- with its important clothing and weaving industries -- should have the advantage of a splendid collection of textiles and laces and a library sections devoted to costumes and fabrics.\u201d[footnote]Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 1, no. 1 (April 1914): 2.[\/footnote] In this stance Whiting had the early support of trustee Dr. Dudley P. Allen, a distinguished Cleveland physician, who sat on both the executive and accessions committees of the Museum. Allen believed that a department should be devoted to exhibiting examples of household items manufactured to the highest artistic standards as models for the skilled workers of Cleveland.[footnote]Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em>, 1, no. 4 (February 1915): 7. Whiting\u2019s and Allen\u2019s belief that an art museum could inspire industrial workers had been developed more than twenty years earlier in Boston and Chicago: Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, Culture and the City: Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago from the 1880s to 1917<\/em> (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1976), p. 74.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nWhiting\u2019s philosophy also led him to create a large education department intended not only to provide classes and lectures within the museum, but to reach out into the neighborhoods and suburbs of the city. This program was immensely successful and the Cleveland Museum of Art continued to be recognized as a leader in museum education.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 61-71.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nFor all of Whiting\u2019s interest in making the museum part of the social fabric of the city he put an equal amount of energy into building its collections and mounting important exhibits. For the museum\u2019s opening he combined the existing collections accumulated under the Huntington and Hurlbut trusts, more recent gifts by John L. Severance, Liberty E. Holden, Jeptha H. Wade II, and others, with a range of objects begged and borrowed from other art museums.[footnote]Ibid<\/em>, p. 45; Cleveland Museum of Art, Seventh Annual Report, 1922<\/em> (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, [1923]), p. 139.[\/footnote] Visitors at the opening of the museum on June 6, 1916 found the enormous building filled with art from a range of eras and cultures.[footnote]Katharine Gibson, \u201cThe Cleveland Museum of Art During its First Fourteen Years,\u201d in Biographical Material about Frederic Allen Whiting<\/em>.[\/footnote] Thereafter Whiting reserved three of the galleries for temporary exhibits, and in the first six years of the museum\u2019s life there were 131 of them, typically small showings of prints, drawings, engravings, and bronzes.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe permanent collections grew apace. In the early years there was a particular fascination with prints and with textiles. The prints were largely acquired and donated to the museum by the newly-created Print Club; later a Textile Arts Club followed the same course. These categories of art did not cost a great deal to purchase and were appreciated by a broad audience of museum-goers.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 82-83.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe traditional staples of museums, paintings and sculpture, were much more costly to acquire. In the 1920s the trustees and other wealthy Clevelanders engaged in a lively competition, purchasing and donating a series of valuable pieces to the museum. William Milliken, then curator of decorative arts and painting, recalled in his memoirs that John L. Severance and his sister Mrs. Severance Prentiss (Frances Fleury Prentiss) had a particular rivalry: \u201cIf Mr. Severance bought an early Rembrandt, Mrs. Prentiss promptly bought what she felt was a better one ... The same pattern was followed in French and English furniture, in tapestries, in prints, and in Chinese porcelain.\u201d[footnote]William M. Milliken, A Time Remembered<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1975), pp. 96-97.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nWhile trustees Severance and Prentiss competed in traditional forms, modern art and non-European art had a more limited appeal to both collectors and the public. They had to be educated to accept new forms. Whiting and the trustees seemed to agree with Langdon Warner, the museum\u2019s earliest curator of oriental art, that the business of the museum was \u201cto get the public in such a receptive condition that mere strangeness will not repel them.\u201d[footnote]Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 4, no. 1 (January 1917): 9; Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, p. 48.[\/footnote] An exhibit of contemporary Japanese paintings in 1921, for example, helped to stretch geographically the definition of art for the average visitor; chronologically it was stretched by the de facto<\/em> policy of using the Jeptha H. Wade II endowment (established in 1920) to enlarge the museum\u2019s holdings of medieval art.[footnote]Seventh Annual Report<\/em>, p. 140; Harry Bober, \u201cMedieval Art at Cleveland,\u201d Apollo<\/em> 75, no. 6 (December 1963): 450.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe latter practice was reinforced in 1931 by the purchase of nine items of the so-called Guelph treasure, a collection of medieval Germanic gold-work, all made for use in Christian worship. When the treasure\u2019s owner (a son-in-law of the last German kaiser) decided to sell it, he put the precious relics on a tour of American museums, hoping to find a buyer. The three-week stopover in Cleveland was an immense success, bringing nearly 100,000 visitors. William Milliken, appointed director the year before on Whiting\u2019s retirement, subsequently convinced the trustees to part with $570,000 to acquire the treasure.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 85-87.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nCollection development in the 1930s continued to be strong, despite the depression. The foundation was laid for a major emphasis on pre-Columbian art by regular purchases, and donors such as Leonard Hanna (prints), and John D. Rockefeller, Jr. (sculpture) made major gifts.[footnote]Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em>, pt. 2 (1935): 4; pt. 2 (1939): 5; pt. 2 (1940): 3; Henry Hanley, \u201cPre-Columbian Art at Cleveland,\u201d Apollo<\/em> 75, no. 6 (December 1963): 490-91.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThat the Cleveland Museum of Art had become one of the most important institutions in Cleveland was perhaps best symbolized by the success of its exhibit held in conjunction with the Great Lakes Exposition in Cleveland in the summer of 1936.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 468.[\/footnote] The special exhibition, which included 400 objects, helped bring 418,505 visitors to the museum in 1936, the largest attendance to that point in the museum\u2019s history.[footnote]Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, p. 87.[\/footnote] This great success accentuated the growth of the museum\u2019s program, a growth which, Director Milliken dutifully pointed out in the same year as the Exposition, had made \u201cthe physical facilities of the Museum increasingly insufficient for the demands upon them.\u201d[footnote]Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 14, pt. 2 (April 1937): 3.[\/footnote] There is perhaps no greater affirmation of institutional achievement than a shortage of space.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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Cleveland Institute of Art: Supplying the Need for Designers<\/h2>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Cleveland Institute of Art began operations in 1882 under the name of the Western Reserve School of Design for Women. Founded by, and initially located in, the home of Sarah M. Kimball, the school\u2019s original purpose was training women to work as designers of furnishings, textiles, and household products in local industries. That purpose remained fundamental even though the school soon admitted a few male students, and developed a substantial program in the fine arts.[footnote]This review of the Institute\u2019s history is based on Nancy Coe Wixom\u2019s The Cleveland Institute of Art: The First Hundred Years, 1882-1982<\/em> (Cleveland: Cleveland Institute of Art, 1983). Unless otherwise cited, data on the Institute are drawn from that work.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe early survival of the school was ensured by the support of leading women and men of the city, many of whom were industrialists and civic leaders. Their support undoubtedly came from a mixture of motives and concerns, ranging from a general\u00a0belief in\u00a0the education and improvement of women to an interest in ensuring the competitiveness of Cleveland\u2019s manufactured goods.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nSupport notwithstanding, the school struggled to balance its books in the first years, and financial problems were probably behind the school\u2019s merger with Western Reserve University from 1888 to 1891. But the school\u2019s trustees backed out of the arrangement (which joined the art faculties of the institutions) when it became clear that the University did not support their interest in the industrial application of the arts.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe school reorganized on a firmer foundation in 1892 when the trustees, led by Stevenson Burke and his wife, Ella M. Burke, hired Georgie Leigh Norton (a graduate of the Massachusetts Normal Art School) as director, and acquired the former Horace Kelley residence on East 55th Street for classrooms and studios. Kelley\u2019s estate had been designated for the support of a future city art museum, so the sale of his house to the school of art was very appropriate. Norton reconstituted the curriculum for the 85 students enrolled that year, bringing in talented Cleveland artists, such as Louis\u00a0Rorimer, a furniture designer, to supplement the regular instructors.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn 1904, as the school\u2019s increased enrollments and need for studio space pressed against the limits of the Kelley mansion,\u00a0Jeptha\u00a0H. Wade II donated to the school a parcel of land in the Wade Allotment at\u00a0the corner of Magnolia Drive and Juniper Road. Wade was about to begin selling residential lots in this area, and the presence of an art institute was probably regarded as an attraction to prospective buyers. Discussions leading to the location of the Cleveland Museum of Art in Wade Park were also beginning, and the school\u2019s trustees probably wanted to be nearby.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nA sturdy brick Italian Renaissance building was dedicated on the site early in 1906: the architects were Hubble and Benes, who had designed the Western Reserve Historical Society\u2019s new building in the Circle just six years earlier, and who a decade later were the architects of the nearby Cleveland Museum of Art. Half of the construction costs were paid by the Burkes, with the remainder donated by other board members.[footnote]In 1906 the School asked John D. Rockefeller for $100,000 toward an endowment of $200,000, but there is no evidence that he made the gift: S. Murphy to John D. Rockefeller, Jr., 22 March 1906, \u201cCleveland School of Art\u201d file, box 29, Welfare \u2013 General series, RG 2, RFA.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe school\u2019s new location provided opportunities for program expansion and for cooperative ventures with other Circle institutions. A public school teacher\u2019s training program began in 1906, and a juried exhibition for Cleveland-area artists was held the same year. Ceramics and commercial illustration were soon added\u00a0to the curriculum, and in 1909-10 an addition was built for a clay modeling studio. Annexes were added in 1921 and 1923, the first with the aid of a $100,000 gift from Cleveland industrialist Worcester Warner.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Cleveland Museum of Art opened in 1916, just a few blocks away from the school, and the next year the school\u2019s new director, Henry Turner Bailey, began serving as an advisor to the museum\u2019s education department. Bailey offered a half-year course in art appreciation at the museum in 1918 \u2014 enrolling 506 students and 97 auditors![footnote]Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 5 (January 1918): 21.[\/footnote] Throughout the 1920s the school tried to develop closer ties with the Art Museum and Western Reserve University. Bailey explored with them the mutual benefits of a new site for the school, an architecture department (Bailey established one in 1921 which was expected to evolve into an independent institution), and an industrial arts museum to be operated by Western Reserve and Case.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe proposed new school site (which indeed became the location of the art school eventually) was at the corner of East Boulevard and Bellflower Road, and its proximity to the Museum of Art led the dreamers to plan for a tunnel to connect Cleveland\u2019s major art institutions. Being nearer to Case and Western Reserve more of their students were expected to enroll in art school courses. The College for Women already had a regular arrangement. These plans were one of the major considerations leading to the formation of the Cleveland Conference for Educational Cooperation, a loose affiliation of Circle institutions that in the latter 1920s attempted to draw up a coherent design for institutional growth and development in the Circle.[footnote]Cleveland Press<\/em>, 8 February 1928. See further discussion of the Cleveland Conference for Educational Cooperation in chapter 10, following.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe grand plans for cooperation quickly dissipated with the onset of the\u00a0Great\u00a0Depression. From 1930 to 1933 enrollments dropped by 40% at the school, fund-raising was stifled, and faculty salaries were cut drastically. Bailey resigned as director in 1930 and his successor, Henry Hunt Clark, spent\u00a0much of his fifteen years (1931-46) in the position seeking to maintain the school\u2019s standards in the face of uncertain enrollments (reduced first by depression, then war) and strained finances.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe school was sustained through these difficulties by continuing philanthropic support. For example, George Gund, a Cleveland businessman and banker, who had initially become a major donor in 1923 by establishing (along with his mother) an annual travel prize for an outstanding graduate, gave regular gifts until his death in 1966. The school also relied heavily on philanthropic support in the early 1950s when, under a new director and new name \u2014 the Cleveland Institute of Art (adopted 1948), it raised funds to erect a $3 million building on East Boulevard. Opened in 1956, the new facilities included expanded studios for painting, sculpture, weaving, metalwork, and many other activities, a 600-seat auditorium, two exhibition galleries, and (for the first time in its history) adequate library space. It was twenty-five years until additional permanent studio space was needed, and then the old Ford Motor assembly plant (\u201cThe Factory\u201d) at Euclid Avenue and E. 116th Street was purchased and renovated.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Cleveland Institute of Art continued\u00a0to have a strong focus on industrial design and on craft skills, and joint programs with the Cleveland Museum of Art and Case Western Reserve University\u00a0were\u00a0an outstanding example of the fulfillment of the visions of the early leaders of Cleveland\u2019s cultural organizations.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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Western Reserve Historical Society: Assembling a City\u2019s Memory<\/h2>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Western Reserve Historical Society was founded as a department of the Cleveland Library Association in 1867, and is the oldest surviving cultural institution in Cleveland. It may seem strange that residents of a region just nearing its 70th anniversary of settlement wanted to preserve its \u201chistory,\u201d but\u00a0several\u00a0processes conspired to make Clevelanders aware of the need to conserve the records and artifacts of the past.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nOne consideration was that by the 1860s the youngest of the settlers of the Western Reserve, and their children, were near or past their\u00a0biblically-allotted\u00a0threescore and ten\u00a0years, if not already dead. If their old letters, diaries, maps, and artwork were to be preserved, there was no time to be wasted.\u00a0Moreover, the recent Civil War\u00a0was generally regarded as\u00a0the end of an era for the nation, and\u00a0afterward was\u00a0a time for forging a new national identity. There was both a sense of loss, and a recognition that the war\u00a0in which so many had\u00a0died or been maimed for life\u00a0would be a major reference point for those who had survived.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe task that the Historical Society set for itself from the very beginning was \u201cto discover, procure and preserve whatever relates to the history, biography, genealogy, antiquities and statistics connected with the City of Cleveland and the Western Reserve.\u201d[footnote]Elbert J. Benton, Cultural Story of an American City: Cleveland, <\/em>part III. (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1946), p. 86.[\/footnote] The society was largely the brainchild of Charles C. Baldwin, a lawyer and judge, and Charles W. Whittlesey, a civil engineer and military officer, each of whom had strong amateur interests in geology, archaeology and history.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn an era of less specialization there was considerable overlap between natural history and human history, especially in the study of the American Indian, to which much of Whittlesey\u2019s work related. Whittlesey served as the society\u2019s president for its first 20 years, and published over 200 local and regional studies. Baldwin\u2019s central interest was cartography, and he amassed and donated to the society a large collection of maps dating from the early French explorations of the Great Lakes. He also showed substantial skill in interesting prominent Clevelanders in the society and in raising funds to sustain it.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Historical Society\u2019s first home was the third floor of the Society for Savings building on the northwest edge of Public Square (or, as it was then called, Monumental Park). In 1892 (the same year that the Society received its own charter, becoming independent of the Library Association) the society was able to purchase the entire building, since the Society for Savings had moved into a much larger structure it had built on an adjacent lot. Major donations by Baldwin, John D. Rockefeller, Jeptha H. Wade II, Rutherford B. Hayes, and other trustees and officers funded the acquisition.[footnote]Orth, Cleveland<\/em>, pp. 589-93; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 68-69, 1047-48.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nOnly three years later the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce offered to purchase the society\u2019s building. The terms of the purchase indicate how pivotal the University Circle area had become to the business and cultural leaders of the city, who had seen the Case and Reserve campuses established and part of Wade Park definitely set aside for an art museum. The Chamber\u2019s offer included both a lot at Euclid Avenue and 107th Street, and $55,000 in cash to erect a new building there. The society agreed to make the trade and hired the Cleveland architectural firm of Coburn, Barnum, Benes and Hubbell to design a fireproof building with a museum, library, and auditorium. However, John D. Rockefeller intervened because of his behind-the-scenes acquisition of the properties that he donated to the city in 1896 as Rockefeller Park, and insisted that the Historical Society be located adjacent to the new park at Euclid Avenue and 105th Street on land that he had purchased. The new building opened in 1898, adding a third imposing building to the row across from Wade Park begun by Adelbert College and Case Main in the 1880s.[footnote]Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, pp. 39-40; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 1041; Elbert J. Benton, A Short History of the Western Reserve Historical Society, 1867-1942<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1942), pp. 8-9, 11; Amos Townsend to John D. Rockefeller, 6 August 1891, box 46, Office Correspondence, Record Group (hereafter RG) 1.2, Rockefeller Family Archives (hereafter RFA), Rockefeller Archive Center (hereafter RAC), Sleepy Hollow, NY; John D. Rockefeller to Amos Townsend, 13 August 1891, box 2, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; C. C. Baldwin to John D. Rockefeller, 27 February 1892, box 2, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; J.G.W. Cowles to John D. Rockefeller, 28 January 1896, \u201cCleveland Boulevard, 1895-1897\u201d folder, box 3, REI series, RG 2, RFA; John D. Rockefeller, memorandum, 30 January 1896, \u201cCleveland Boulevard, 1895-1897\u201d folder, box 3, REI series, RG 2, RFA; J.G.W. Cowles to John D. Rockefeller, 30 January 1896, \u201cCleveland Boulevard, 1895-1897\u201d folder, box 3, REI series, RG 2, RFA.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe society grew smoothly in its collections of books and artifacts over the next several decades. In 1913 it hired its first paid director, Wallace H. Cathcart, who had previously been a president of the society. Some of his efforts went toward increasing the society\u2019s endowment, reported as $10,000 in 1891. It was not much larger in 1915 when the trustees decided to raise enough to bring the total to $250,000, the interest of which was expected to cover the society\u2019s expenses. The largest step toward that goal was Ambrose Swasey\u2019s gift of $50,000 in 1920.[footnote]Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, p. 62; Benton, A Short History<\/em>, pp. 11-12.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAs Cathcart focused on acquiring an outstanding collection of manuscripts and newspapers, and the interest of the public in museums became more apparent, the society\u2019s building on 107th Street became increasing inadequate for housing the collections.[footnote]Amos Townsend to John D. Rockefeller, 6 August 1891, box 46, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Wallace H. Cathcart to John D. Rockefeller, 30 August 1920 box 27, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 160.[\/footnote] In 1938 the society purchased the Hay-McKinney residence on East Boulevard, on the north edge of Wade Park, thus acquiring a second building with 26 exhibition rooms, an assembly hall, work rooms, and storage space. Major exhibits on the history of the Western Reserve were soon installed. Two years later the society exchanged its 107th Street building (which was soon demolished) for the Bingham-Hanna residence adjacent to its new museum property, and moved its library there. The two buildings were joined in 1959 by the construction of a central addition.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 160. Benton, A Short History<\/em>, pp. 13-14; Meredith Colket, \u201cThe Italian Renaissance Buildings of the Western Reserve Historical Society,\u201d booklet reprinted from the Western Reserve Historical Society News<\/em> (July-August 1979 and September-October 1979).[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn this new location the society flourished as never before. It became more of a community resource, and less a club for the historically-minded wealthy. It also began to carry out more fully its mandate as the custodian of the heritage of the Western Reserve, and began to preserve a record of the built environment as well as memorabilia and documents. In 1957 the society opened Hale Farm, south of Cleveland, as an operating homestead of the early 1800s, and in 1965 opened the Crawford Auto-Aviation Museum adjacent to its other East Boulevard buildings. The museum\u2019s automobile collection was the most visited site in the Circle in the 1970s and 1980s.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 1041.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n

Cleveland Music School Settlement: Music Outreach with Quality<\/h2>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Cleveland Music School Settlement was founded in 1912 by Almeda C. Adams. Adams was the daughter of a Baptist minister in Ohio, Rev. James Adams. Losing her sight within a few months of her birth in 1865, she obtained an education at the Ohio School for the Blind, including training in vocal music. Wanting more specialized training, late in 1891 she decided to seek the scholarship to the New England Conservatory of Music which Ladies Home Journal<\/em>\u00a0had offered to a woman who could raise a large number of subscriptions. In the course of seeking subscriptions she came to Cleveland and had her story published in the\u00a0Plain Dealer<\/em>. Through her persistence and the publicity, Adams easily achieved her goal.[footnote]Unless otherwise noted, the following paragraphs rely on Silvia Zverina\u2019s And They Shall Have Music: The History of the Cleveland Music School Settlement<\/em> (Cleveland: Cobham and Hatherton Press, 1988).[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn 1892 Adams matriculated at the Conservatory, where for two years she continued voice studies and was trained in music education in public schools. Afterward she taught for five years at the Nebraska School for the Blind, and then went to New York for further training. In 1901, stocked with experience, education, and sound references from her teachers and employers, she returned to Cleveland to assist her ailing mother, and began teaching music at three settlement houses \u2014 the Central Friendly Inn, Hiram House, and Alta House.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nWorking at Alta House, which had been founded by John D. Rockefeller, undoubtedly reintroduced Adams to Rockefeller, who had given her some financial support while she was at the Conservatory. Now he began to give her occasional gifts to further her musical programs, and he paid for her parent\u2019s admission to the Baptist Home for Old People. Adams joined the Euclid Avenue Baptist Church, which was a leading missionary church in the city and well-supported by Rockefeller\u2019s philanthropy since he had been a member there throughout his Cleveland years.[footnote]Martha M. Tuttle to Almeda C. Adams, 20 September 1894, volume 37, John D. Rockefeller Letterbooks (hereafter JDR LBs), RG 1, RFA; John D. Rockefeller to Almeda C. Adams, 31 August 1905, volume 215, JDR LBs; n.a. to Almeda C. Adams, 13 January 1908, volume 223, JDR LBs; \u201cRev. James Adams,\u201d John D. Rockefeller pledge cards, RG 1; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 380.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nRockefeller\u2019s approval of her work (he told her that she was \u201cconstantly giving sunshine to all about [her]\u201d) undoubtedly gave Adams heightened credibility with those Clevelanders interested in music institutions, and when in 1911 she decided that she would like to start a settlement house devoted to music, she presented the idea directly to Adella Prentiss Hughes, the leading musical promoter in the city.[footnote]John D. Rockefeller to Almeda C. Adams, 15 August 1908, volume 224, JDR LBs.[\/footnote] Hughes asked Adams to address the Fortnightly Club on the subject, and that group \u2014 which sponsored regular concerts \u2014 set up a committee in February 1912 which only two months later founded the Cleveland Music School Settlement. Its purposes were to provide excellent instruction to musically talented youths without regard to their ability to pay, and to contribute generally to the musical life of the city. From the beginning the settlement served students from a mix of social and economic backgrounds.\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe incorporators and trustees of the city were largely philanthropic-minded women who had previously been involved in social welfare and musical institutions, including Mr. Dudley S. Blossom, Mrs. L. Dean Holden, Mrs. John Huntington, Mrs. R. Livingston Ireland, and Mrs. Andrew Squire. The trustees also included Newton D. Baker, the new mayor of Cleveland. With such leadership it is not surprising that within the first year several individuals, as well as the Fortnightly Club, were induced to contribute $1000 or more to launch the settlement, and others made smaller contributions.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe\u00a0Music\u00a0School\u00a0Settlement opened in the fall of 1912 in rooms at the Goodrich House, a social settlement in downtown Cleveland at St. Clair Avenue and East 6th Street. Within a few weeks there were 111 pupils studying under Almeda C. Adams as the voice teacher, and two other musicians as piano and violin teachers. Administratively the music settlement was headed by Linda W. Sampson, a nurse who proved to be an excellent leader.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAlthough the music settlement\u2019s financial future was not clear for years to come, the trustees energetically pursued their programs and goals. Very quickly the student body counted 18 nationalities, and it took an early interest in the needs of Cleveland\u2019s African-American community. The music settlement also obtained the assistance of the city government, getting special access to the supplies and instruments of the recently-failed municipal orchestra, and had the tuition for several blind children paid by the Board of Education.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nBy 1918 the space requirements for handling the pupils required leasing the former Corning residence at 7033 Euclid Avenue and then, in 1922, purchasing and moving to the former Joseph residence at 1927 E. 93rd Street, bringing the Cleveland Music School Settlement into the orbit of University Circle. The president of the trustees, Mrs. Francis E. Drury, was instrumental in raising some $21,000 (from such donors as Mrs. Dudley S. Blossom and Samuel Mather) to make the move possible. By this time Almeda C. Adams had resigned as vocal teacher, remaining in Cleveland as an independent teacher and director of the Schumann Chorus. Catherine Saunders (formerly of the Boston Music School Settlement) had become the settlement\u2019s director, although the trustees remained very active in its operations.[footnote]The reasons for Adams\u2019 resignation are obscure. She had spent 1918-19 on leave to study at the Mannes School in New York, and on her return referred to having a \u201cmost bitter and painful experience\u201d at the Music School Settlement. The trustees accepted her resignation in September 1919. Silvia Zverina notes that new procedures were instituted by the new director (Catherine Saunders) who arrived in Adams\u2019 absence; possibly Adams was herself a candidate for the directorship and found it difficult to return to the Settlement in her old role. Almeda C. Adams to John D. Rockefeller, 10 August 1919, John D. Rockefeller, Sr. Correspondence, folder 25, box 3, RG 2, RFA.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn its second decade the Music School Settlement continued its strong but not exclusive focus on providing music lessons to children of low-and moderate-income families. In 1921 many of its 375 students had been referred to it by other settlements or social welfare agencies in the city. Its thirty-five teachers were providing lessons on seven instruments, with additional classes in voice and chorus, music theory, dancing, and orchestral music. Its successful outreach program had permitted it to join the Welfare Federation of Cleveland in 1920, a new organization created to raise and distribute funds to the city\u2019s major charities, an affiliation which stabilized the Settlement\u2019s income.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 394-95.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Settlement had by now become woven into the fabric of Cleveland\u2019s musical life. The regular recitals of its students, the benefit concerts held to support the Settlement\u2019s scholarship funds, and the passage of the Settlement\u2019s students into the settlements and schools of the area to work as teachers, had become important and expected functions of the Settlement. Through the 1920s and into the lean years of the 1930s the Cleveland Music School Settlement pursued its program with a dedication and level of excellence that made it a model for similar organizations throughout the United States.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn 1938, at the same time as the Western Reserve Historical Society\u2019s relocation, the settlement moved into the heart of the Circle. With the 93rd Street building threatened by the extension of Chester Avenue, the trustees purchased the Edmund S. Burke residence in Wade Park Allotment, arguably the most attractive home in University Circle. The settlement\u2019s president, Edward W. Garfield, convinced Burke to convey his house for only $25,000, when it had cost more than ten times that to construct. This new location brought the settlement into even closer contact with the Cleveland Orchestra, whose musicians were often teachers at the settlement; the Cleveland School (later Institute) of Music, with which the settlement shared some teachers and to which it sent students; and Western Reserve University, whose music department frequently sponsored cooperative activities. In its new setting the Settlement was able to increase its enrollments, and in 1946, the first year of the post-war education boom, it had 1,721 students.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn succeeding years the Cleveland Music School Settlement found that its services\u00a0continued to be in demand. There was a growing\u00a0need to provide musical opportunities for low-income children, and the\u00a0musical culture of Cleveland\u00a0continued to draw heavily on both its staff and students. The settlement first expanded in 1955 when it purchased the adjacent Charles S. Brooks residence and renamed it the\u00a0Kulas\u00a0House in honor of the major donation of Mrs. Elroy J.\u00a0Kulas. In 1966 through gifts of the Cleveland Foundation and the Leonard C. Hanna, Jr. Final Fund the settlement was enabled to purchase two additional houses nearby to serve as studios. The settlement\u2019s programs also\u00a0spread through the city by opening branch programs in several areas and by establishing affiliations with the Koch School of Music in Rocky River, and the Rainey Institute on East 55th Street.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n

Musical Arts Association: The Virtuosity of Adella Prentiss Hughes<\/h2>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Musical Arts Association is one of the great success stories of University Circle. Not only has it created and sustained one of the outstanding orchestras in the world, but it also established an outstanding program of musical education and built and operated Severance Hall, a jewel-like setting for the performing arts.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nCleveland had a growing tradition of musical performance in the first century of its cultural life. A Mozart (singing) Society flourished as early as the 1830s, encouraged by a newspaper editor who wrote that \u201cIn sustaining the Mozart, the citizens of Cleveland foster a science that does much to improve and refine society and give character to its social and religious institutions.\u201d[footnote]Annals of Cleveland 21<\/em> (1838): 189.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nSucceeding generations of Clevelanders felt much the same way, especially immigrants, for whom music was a way of preserving language and providing entertainment, as well as teaching their children appreciation of the arts. An immigrant group\u2019s arrival in Cleveland in significant numbers was often signaled by the creation of singing societies, bands, and orchestras to perform music of their homelands, and, indeed, such musical groups were often closely allied with ethnic churches.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 704-6. Under \u201cMusic, Drama, Dance\u201d the Cleveland Ethnic Directory<\/em> of 1980 listed many musical groups with an ethnic focus, some with recognizable 19th-century roots: Cleveland Ethnic Directory<\/em> (Cleveland: Nationalities Center of Cleveland, 1980).[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nEthnic groups, particularly the Germans, provided the personnel and often the audience (not only in Cleveland but also in other American cities) for the early attempts to establish the most demanding ensemble of the Western musical tradition \u2014 the orchestra. The Cleveland Philharmonic Orchestra was formed in 1886 (although a predecessor group, the Cleveland Amateur Philharmonic Society, was created in 1881), and was able to develop sustained donor support though the mid-1890s. Upon its dissolution a series of ventures followed, including a municipally-supported orchestra in 1914-15. But none of these developed the kind of financial base necessary to recruit and hold players and directors of the highest caliber, or to purchase the music and other equipment necessary to sustain a first-class institution.[footnote]Mary C. Harvey to John D. Rockefeller, 16 July 1886 and 11 October 1890, folder 143, box 19, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Charles F. Brush to John D. Rockefeller, 17 June 1893, box 5, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 705; Margaret Lynch, \u201cThe Growth of Cleveland as a Cultural Center,\u201d in Campbell and Miggins, eds., The Birth of Modern Cleveland<\/em>, pp. 204, 206; Horowitz, Culture and the City<\/em>, pp. 110-11.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIt was the founding of the Fortnightly Musical Club in 1894 which began the thread leading to the current Cleveland Orchestra. Adella Prentiss Hughes was a founding member of the society who brought her talents as a musician and impresario to bear on the club\u2019s affairs. She was a native Clevelander, a Vassar graduate, and a trained pianist. In 1898 she took charge of the club\u2019s public concerts and proved able to attract outstanding talent and to keep the books balanced. Within a few years she organized a guaranty fund by which wealthy Clevelanders would pledge substantial amounts of support prior to each season. Her organizational acumen kept the Cleveland appearances of the Pittsburgh Orchestra and of soloist Ernestine Schumann-Heink within budget, and continually increased donors\u2019 confidence in her.[footnote]Adella Prentiss Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em> (Cleveland and New York: World Publishing, 1947), pp. 44, 51, 56-57; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 418, 531.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn 1915 Hughes drew on this confidence by taking the lead role in the formation of the Musical Arts Association, a not-for-profit corporation with the purpose of \u201cfurthering the interests of music in the community, accepting and administering trust funds and guaranty funds for musical purposes, and acquiring, holding and operating property to promote the efficiency of musical enterprises.\u201d[footnote]Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, p. 202.[\/footnote] Here was a commitment to sustain professional music in Cleveland. Adella Prentiss Hughes was the woman who had won that commitment and knew what to do with it.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn 1918 after three years of successful series with visiting orchestras, Hughes led the Association into creating the Cleveland Orchestra. She persuaded John L. Severance to pay for one year the salary of conductor Nikolai Sokoloff (a Russian-born American), so that he could assist the Cleveland Public Schools in developing an instrumental music program. In the meantime Sokoloff was to create an orchestra out of local talent to perform in the schools, and in other invited settings. As it turned out, the \u201cSpanish flu\u201d epidemic limited Sokoloff\u2019s work in the schools and the first performance of the 54-member orchestra was on December 11, 1918 in Gray\u2019s Armory in downtown Cleveland.[footnote]Ibid<\/em>, pp. 254-55.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe Cleveland Orchestra grew steadily and received rapidly increasing recognition through the 1920s. Under the administration of Hughes, who continued to be successful as a fundraiser and organizer, the orchestra had a firm financial base. Corporations were prevailed upon to sponsor concerts, and Hughes was able to obtain substantial gifts from donors. Sokoloff was able to supplement Cleveland\u2019s talent with a few musicians from New York, and as soon as 1920 was able to offer contracts for thirty weeks to eighty-five players.[footnote]Ibid<\/em>, pp. 263-4, 272, 279, 280-81.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn all of this growth the outreach to the schools was not forgotten. At the beginning the focus was on teaching instrumental music. Members of the orchestra went into the schools to instruct those playing particular instruments, or to lead entire ensembles. By 1922 800 pupils received instruction annually. The orchestra also gave concerts for schoolchildren, at first in the schools, but in 1921 and thereafter at Masonic Hall and other public auditoriums.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn 1929 the Musical Arts Association hired a professional musician, Lillian Baldwin, as Consultant in Music Education, with primary responsibility for developing the children\u2019s concerts. She wrote study material to go with each concert, and found ingenious ways to create and sustain interest. She urged students to save their money for concert fees by writing this ditty:\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n
\u201cHooray!\u201d\u00a0cried Quincy Quarter,\r\n\u201cMy owner\u2019s saving me\r\nTo hear a Children\u2019s Concert\r\nI\u2019m proud, as proud can be!\u201d[footnote]Ibid<\/em>, pp. 290-94.[\/footnote]<\/blockquote>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nBy 1945-46 the orchestra had an annual attendance at children\u2019s concerts of 60,000.[footnote]Ibid<\/em>, pp. 298.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe best way for an orchestra to gauge its development and stretch its capabilities is to go on tour. Adella Prentiss Hughes arranged a Pittsburgh appearance for the orchestra in its first season, and numerous other out-of-town engagements thereafter. As early as 1926 the orchestra\u2019s appearance at Carnegie Hall in New York provoked an enthusiastic review in the Herald-Tribune<\/em>: \u201cM. Sokoloff has again put us in his debt. His performance moved us to felicitate the happy concert goers of Cleveland, who can hear so fine an orchestra and conductor in haughty independence and with pardonable pride.\u201d[footnote]Quoted in \u201cCleveland\u2019s Orchestra,\u201d Fortune<\/em> (November 1931), p. 133.[\/footnote] Within a few years of its founding it was generally agreed that the Cleveland Orchestra was one of the best in the United States.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAn established orchestra needs a home. In the first years of its existence the Cleveland Orchestra had several venues \u2014 the Masonic Hall, Public Hall downtown, and Gray\u2019s Armory \u2014 but none permanent, and none designed for the sound of a modern symphony orchestra. In 1928 Adella Prentiss Hughes and the trustees of the Musical Arts Association launched a campaign to fund the construction of a concert hall, and to create an endowment for the orchestra. Hughes and the chairman of the trustees, Dudley Blossom, had already laid the groundwork for a successful campaign by persuading John L. Severance to contribute $1 million for the hall (which Severance conditioned on the raising of an endowment of $2 million or more), and Blossom and his wife, Elizabeth Bingham Blossom, immediately donated $750,000 to the endowment fund.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe funds were raised by the spring of 1929 \u2013 as it turned out, none too soon with the onset of the Great Depression a few months away. The site for the new hall, to be dedicated as Severance Hall, was on Euclid Avenue at East Boulevard in University Circle. The lot was leased to the Musical Arts Association for $1 a year by Western Reserve University, which had been given the site by Jeptha H. Wade II. In recent years the lot had been considered an ideal location for a cultural institution.[footnote]Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, pp. 76-78. Newton Baker first urged that the University acquire the site: Newton D. Baker to Charles F. Thwing, 25 May 1912, folder 5, container 5, Newton Baker Papers, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, OH. Note that a plan of the western portion of University Circle prepared in 1922 has a large auditorium-like structure on the future site of Severance Hall: Michael G. Lawrence, Make No Little Plans: Architectural Drawings from the Collection of the Cuyahoga County Archives and the Western Reserve Historical Society<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1980), pp. 34, 36.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThe design of Severance Hall was carried out with utmost care. Hughes and Severance personally selected items for the auditorium such as seating, lighting, and color schemes for comfort and harmony. They consulted with orchestra members regarding proper seats, and planned for excellent rehearsal and storage facilities. A room for broadcasting live music and a chamber music hall were integrated into the plan; and the auditorium was fully air-conditioned. A driveway was to pass through the building at ground level so that limousines could drop off patrons as close to the auditorium as possible.[footnote]\u201cCleveland\u2019s Orchestra,\u201d pp. 134, 139; Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, pp. 79-80, 83-84[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nDuring the construction of Severance Hall Mrs. Severance died, and Mr. Severance began to look upon the building as a memorial to his wife. He eventually spent more than double his original pledge in order to install the highest quality furnishings. As a result of his generosity the main foyer had\u00a0a multi-colored marble floor, red jasper columns, and bronze trim. A frieze depicting the musical instruments of antiquity decorated\u00a0the wall.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn contrast to the warm colors of the public meeting-place, the foyer, the auditorium had the cooler colors of a place of calm and contemplation. The upholstery, carpeting and draperies were originally aquamarine, the ceiling silver and gray, and the trim silver. The acoustics of the auditorium were excellent from the beginning, in part due to the design of the architects, Walker & Weeks, and in part because of the painstaking calculations of Professor Dayton Miller, chairman of the physics department at Case School.[footnote]\u201cCleveland\u2019s Orchestra,\" pp. 134, 139; Elizabeth Kirk, Severance Hall: the First Fifty Years<\/em> (Cleveland: Carpenter Reserve Printing, 1981); Kathy Coquillette, Guidebook: Severance Hall<\/em> (Cleveland: n.p., c. 1982); Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, pp. 161-63.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nIn this setting the Cleveland Orchestra played an opening concert on February 5, 1931, featuring \u201cEvocation,\u201d a commissioned work for orchestra and chorus composed by Charles Martin Loeffler. Sokoloff, the conductor, had seen the orchestra evolve from merely a vision he shared with Adella Prentiss Hughes to a role of leadership in the musical world, leadership it sustained over the next 50 years. In 1933 Sokoloff was succeeded by Arthur Rodzinski, who had a particular interest in opera, and exploited the excellent facilities of Severance Hall with operatic productions during his first four years in Cleveland.[footnote]Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, p. 81; Kirk, Severance Hall<\/em>, unpaginated; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 839[\/footnote] Many critics regarded the orchestra as the best in the world under conductor George Szell (1946-1970), whose dedication to precision performance gave the orchestra distinction. In 1959 Severance Hall was rebuilt at Szell\u2019s insistence in order to allow the audience to appreciate the \u201cCleveland sound\u201d more fully.[footnote]Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 947.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n

*\u00a0\u00a0 *\u00a0\u00a0 *<\/span><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n

\r\n\r\nThe histories of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland Institute of Art, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland Music School Settlement, and Cleveland Orchestra are largely representative of the cultural institutions\u00a0that\u00a0gathered at University\u00a0Circle by the mid-20th century. They were created by dedicated citizens, largely members of the wealthy elite, who acted not only out of their own interest, but also in the faith that Cleveland would be a better place if public institutions were established to diffuse the benefits of modern culture. Generally they hired\u00a0skilled\u00a0professionals to lead the new institutions, and invariably the founders raised substantial funds (often out of their own pocketbooks) to run the programs created by those\u00a0professionals.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nAs historian Margaret Lynch has noted, Cleveland created its art museum, orchestra and several other cultural institutions somewhat later than other Midwestern cities of comparable size, such as Chicago and Cincinnati. But Clevelanders were quicker to put them on a sound operating basis, both financially and professionally.[footnote]Lynch, \u201cThe Growth of Cleveland as a Cultural Center,\u201d pp. 202, 208-9, 211-12, 214, 226; Horowitz, Culture and the City<\/em>, pp. 159-66, 212-13.[\/footnote] In general, the commonalities of philanthropic processes, and the effects of conscious planning, tended to shape their histories. A community of institutions was formed at the Circle whose commitment was to cultural uplift, care for the socially unfortunate, and in some instances, religious values. In large measure, they reflected the ideals of the elite that founded and developed the University Circle.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"
\n

The life histories of the nonprofit institutions that came to be located in or near University Circle follow a pattern that reflects the themes of this book: community, philanthropy, and planning. The institutions came into being largely at the insistence of wealthy Clevelanders who had concerns about the need to serve particular segments of the city\u2019s population. Often they were moved by a desire to care for the especially needy:\u00a0the sick, the disabled,\u00a0the\u00a0aged. Just as often they wanted to serve the cultural and spiritual needs of a range of citizens in the community, including their own class.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The institutions were created and sustained almost entirely by philanthropy, often by the individual generosity of one\u00a0member of Cleveland\u2019s business elite. The closeness of the institutions to the city\u2019s upper class is symbolized by the frequency with which their former residences became the initial (and sometimes permanent) locations of the institutions. Certainly the early founders and directors knew there were advantages to acquiring large, well-built houses for institutional purposes, especially when they often had designs easily adapted to institutional use,\u00a0such as the\u00a0distinct\u00a0separation of service functions (kitchens and laundries) from bedrooms and dining areas, and the spaciousness of large entertainment and reception rooms that could be adapted to offices and classrooms. Moreover, these residences were often given or sold at low cost to nascent institutions in order to provide them with suitable quarters.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The institutions gravitated to the Circle over time largely because the planning activities of those interested in the area \u2014 the businessmen of the Chamber of Commerce in the early 1900s and, later, the administrators of the existing Circle institutions \u2014 tried to create a setting favorable to culturally-oriented and other nonprofit institutions. At first through land allocation by the Wades and the University Improvement Corporation and, later, with the creation of the University Circle Development Foundation in 1957, through the provision of special services such as parking and private police, there developed a kind of centripetal force that pulled nonprofits into the Circle.[1]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Overall, the nonprofits that eventually found their homes in the Circle showed a fairly consistent pattern of geographical movement. Virtually all those established in the 1800s or very early 1900s were first located either in the heart of the downtown to serve the truly needy who lived there or, if culturally-oriented, the institutions were located along the Euclid Avenue corridor where many of the city\u2019s wealthy lived.[2]<\/sup><\/a> In any case the siting of the institutions was convenient to the homes and workplaces of the early directors and trustees, who often served as the institutions\u2019 first operating staffs or otherwise exercised almost day-to-day supervision over programs.[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

As the population of the city continued to expand outward from the downtown, and as many of the city\u2019s wealthy moved eastward along Euclid Avenue or even into the University Circle area, the institutions followed. They relocated largely according to their clienteles: if they served the middle and upper class (with music and art education, for example) they tended to move out earlier and go out to the neighborhoods where those groups had moved. Thus the School of Art and the Western Reserve Historical Society arrived in the Circle very early. Those institutions that served a broad range of the city\u2019s population, or particularly needy groups, often had a slower eastward progress as those groups lagged in the general outward movement.[4]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

After nonprofit institutions reached the Circle they tended to remain there even as the eastward-moving wave of city population washed past the area and as many of those served lived well out into the city\u2019s suburbs.[5]<\/sup><\/a> This retaining power of the Circle had several facets. The most important appears to be the conscious planning to make the Circle attractive to nonprofits. The increased provision for parking after the 1950s, for example, made it less convenient for institutions to be located in or near neighborhoods containing the people they served. Other factors were the interrelationship of functions (e.g., institutions serving the aged found it helpful to be in an area with excellent medical facilities), and the substantial investment that many institutions have made in their Circle facilities, that they would find difficult to recover if they moved.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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*\u00a0\u00a0 *\u00a0\u00a0 *<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The Cleveland Museum of Art: Elite Management and Mass Appreciation<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
\n

Historian Carl Wittke has remarked that Cleveland, in its early years, experienced a cultural vacuum that was characteristic of frontier settlements. Art did not contribute to winning the daily struggle for survival.[6]<\/sup><\/a> Cleveland\u2019s support for the fine arts of painting and sculpture through the mid-19th century generally fit Wittke\u2019s description. Still, as early as 1830, when there were only a few thousand souls in the town, a traveling exhibition of a historical painting was a significant event.[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

As the century wore on some Clevelanders acquired the wealth and leisure for collecting art. A benefit art show in 1878 drew on the possessions of such leading families as the Hays, Haydens, Eells, Wades, Mathers, Nortons, Severances, and Hurlbuts, but the show was an inconsistent melange of curiosities, creations of local artists, and European works. Two decades later the newly-formed Cleveland Art Association sponsored exhibitions, in 1893 and 1895, to raise money for the relief of those suffering from the economic depression of the time. Again, paintings and art objects were loaned by wealthy Clevelanders, but this time reflecting assiduous attempts to collect European art. The director of the so-called 1893 Loan Exhibition, Charles F. Olney, had already found sufficient interest and appreciation of art in Cleveland to support the small private museum on West 14th Street that he opened in 1892.[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Such events, and such private collecting, had little relationship to the artistic interests or needs of the vast number of Clevelanders. The occasional exhibitions showed that art as defined by Cleveland\u2019s elite consisted mostly of the products of widely recognized painters and sculptors from Europe;\u00a0socially-acceptable depictions of historical and religious scenes (again, mostly European);\u00a0and\u00a0American portraiture.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

These artistic interests had a curious relationship to the citizenry of the city, which included growing numbers of immigrants in the latter 19th and early 20th centuries. The upper and middle-class European immigrants, such as many Germans and Jews, often had classical educations and may have been better equipped to appreciate European art than the industrialists of Cleveland (often of ascetic New England stock). In fact, the first organization of professional artists in Cleveland (the Cleveland Art Club, founded in 1876) was nicknamed the Old Bohemians because the majority was of German extraction.[9]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Many other immigrants to Cleveland, especially those from southern Europe, arrived poorly-educated but from peasant societies where crafts and folk art were highly-developed. There is evidence that immigrant Clevelanders cherished those examples of native art which they brought with them from their homelands, but there is little to show that such art was of interest to the early art collectors of Cleveland.[10]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

There was a continuing interest in creating a public art museum in Cleveland. As early as 1852 a farsighted newspaper editorial argued for one, stating that Cleveland, \u201cthe Philadelphia of the Northwest, enjoys a larger influx of strangers, who come either for business or pleasure, than any city west of New York. Now is the time to lay hold of this matter, while room is yet here to erect buildings for that special purpose.\u201d[11]<\/sup><\/a> However, Clevelanders did not successfully \u201clay hold of the matter\u201d for about sixty years,\u00a0 well after most other major cities of the Northeast and Midwest had created art museums.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Meanwhile, separate bequests in the wills of Hinman B. Hurlbut (1884), Horace Kelley (1890), and John P. Huntington (1893) provided money for an art museum. Each of these men had made his fortune in the industrial-commercial expansion of Cleveland and had become educated in the fine arts by traveling abroad. (Hurlbut also had served as a trustee of Western Reserve University.) Since the bequests had varying conditions, and the disposition of the Huntington estate (the largest) was contested in court, it took some time for the trustees of the estates to agree on joint proceedings. In the end the Cleveland Museum of Art was established as the operating agency, and the distinctiveness of the bequests was preserved by formally designating one wing of the museum as the Huntington Galleries and the other as the Kelley Galleries, while the Hurlbut funds were devoted to the purchase of works of art.[12]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The trustees decided that new museum was to be located in Wade Park on the site Jeptha Wade had long before designated for an art gallery. In 1905 Wade\u2019s old friend Liberty Holden was selected to head the building committee.[13]<\/sup><\/a> After eight years were consumed in negotiations with the city over the use of the Wade Park site, and in considering architectural plans, the trustees selected the Cleveland firm of Hubbell and Benes to design the building and ground was broken in May 1913. Completed in 1916, the museum presented a simple neo-classical front to the north side of the Wade Park pond, while its interior was a maze of galleries surrounding two sky-lighted courts.[14]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The first director of the museum (1913-1930) was Frederic Allen Whiting, whose skills and direction rapidly established the Cleveland Museum of Art as one of the best in the United States. Whiting (1873-1959) came from a New England family, and early in life trained for and entered a business career. However, he turned to social work among the textile workers of Lowell, Massachusetts, and became interested in promoting their financial independence through the development of handicraft skills. In 1900 he became secretary of the Society of Arts and Crafts in Boston, and subsequently organized and became the leader of the National League of Handicraft Societies.[15]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In choosing Whiting as the first director the trustees showed that they were willing to define art broadly. In the words of the museum\u2019s historian<\/p>\n

Whiting was not an artist or an art historian nor had he had any formal training in art education. He approached the problems of the Museum from the point of view of the <\/span>social worker and was especially interested in children and in making the Museum a service to all elements in the Cleveland community… Museums were to be \u201ccommunity schools for the <\/span>soul,\u201d laboratories for the development of art appreciation, not simply mausoleums in which to store buried treasures.[16]<\/sup><\/a><\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Whiting lost no time informing the public of his philosophy and of what sort of program he expected to carry out. He instituted the publication of a museum\u00a0Bulletin<\/em> within a year of his hiring, and in the first issue announced that \u201cthe Museum\u2019s collections should grow in accordance with the special needs of the community, and certain collections should be formed for the special benefit of our industries. It would seem advisable, for instance, that Cleveland — with its important clothing and weaving industries — should have the advantage of a splendid collection of textiles and laces and a library sections devoted to costumes and fabrics.\u201d[17]<\/sup><\/a> In this stance Whiting had the early support of trustee Dr. Dudley P. Allen, a distinguished Cleveland physician, who sat on both the executive and accessions committees of the Museum. Allen believed that a department should be devoted to exhibiting examples of household items manufactured to the highest artistic standards as models for the skilled workers of Cleveland.[18]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Whiting\u2019s philosophy also led him to create a large education department intended not only to provide classes and lectures within the museum, but to reach out into the neighborhoods and suburbs of the city. This program was immensely successful and the Cleveland Museum of Art continued to be recognized as a leader in museum education.[19]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

For all of Whiting\u2019s interest in making the museum part of the social fabric of the city he put an equal amount of energy into building its collections and mounting important exhibits. For the museum\u2019s opening he combined the existing collections accumulated under the Huntington and Hurlbut trusts, more recent gifts by John L. Severance, Liberty E. Holden, Jeptha H. Wade II, and others, with a range of objects begged and borrowed from other art museums.[20]<\/sup><\/a> Visitors at the opening of the museum on June 6, 1916 found the enormous building filled with art from a range of eras and cultures.[21]<\/sup><\/a> Thereafter Whiting reserved three of the galleries for temporary exhibits, and in the first six years of the museum\u2019s life there were 131 of them, typically small showings of prints, drawings, engravings, and bronzes.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The permanent collections grew apace. In the early years there was a particular fascination with prints and with textiles. The prints were largely acquired and donated to the museum by the newly-created Print Club; later a Textile Arts Club followed the same course. These categories of art did not cost a great deal to purchase and were appreciated by a broad audience of museum-goers.[22]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The traditional staples of museums, paintings and sculpture, were much more costly to acquire. In the 1920s the trustees and other wealthy Clevelanders engaged in a lively competition, purchasing and donating a series of valuable pieces to the museum. William Milliken, then curator of decorative arts and painting, recalled in his memoirs that John L. Severance and his sister Mrs. Severance Prentiss (Frances Fleury Prentiss) had a particular rivalry: \u201cIf Mr. Severance bought an early Rembrandt, Mrs. Prentiss promptly bought what she felt was a better one … The same pattern was followed in French and English furniture, in tapestries, in prints, and in Chinese porcelain.\u201d[23]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

While trustees Severance and Prentiss competed in traditional forms, modern art and non-European art had a more limited appeal to both collectors and the public. They had to be educated to accept new forms. Whiting and the trustees seemed to agree with Langdon Warner, the museum\u2019s earliest curator of oriental art, that the business of the museum was \u201cto get the public in such a receptive condition that mere strangeness will not repel them.\u201d[24]<\/sup><\/a> An exhibit of contemporary Japanese paintings in 1921, for example, helped to stretch geographically the definition of art for the average visitor; chronologically it was stretched by the de facto<\/em> policy of using the Jeptha H. Wade II endowment (established in 1920) to enlarge the museum\u2019s holdings of medieval art.[25]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The latter practice was reinforced in 1931 by the purchase of nine items of the so-called Guelph treasure, a collection of medieval Germanic gold-work, all made for use in Christian worship. When the treasure\u2019s owner (a son-in-law of the last German kaiser) decided to sell it, he put the precious relics on a tour of American museums, hoping to find a buyer. The three-week stopover in Cleveland was an immense success, bringing nearly 100,000 visitors. William Milliken, appointed director the year before on Whiting\u2019s retirement, subsequently convinced the trustees to part with $570,000 to acquire the treasure.[26]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Collection development in the 1930s continued to be strong, despite the depression. The foundation was laid for a major emphasis on pre-Columbian art by regular purchases, and donors such as Leonard Hanna (prints), and John D. Rockefeller, Jr. (sculpture) made major gifts.[27]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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That the Cleveland Museum of Art had become one of the most important institutions in Cleveland was perhaps best symbolized by the success of its exhibit held in conjunction with the Great Lakes Exposition in Cleveland in the summer of 1936.[28]<\/sup><\/a> The special exhibition, which included 400 objects, helped bring 418,505 visitors to the museum in 1936, the largest attendance to that point in the museum\u2019s history.[29]<\/sup><\/a> This great success accentuated the growth of the museum\u2019s program, a growth which, Director Milliken dutifully pointed out in the same year as the Exposition, had made \u201cthe physical facilities of the Museum increasingly insufficient for the demands upon them.\u201d[30]<\/sup><\/a> There is perhaps no greater affirmation of institutional achievement than a shortage of space.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Cleveland Institute of Art: Supplying the Need for Designers<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
\n

The Cleveland Institute of Art began operations in 1882 under the name of the Western Reserve School of Design for Women. Founded by, and initially located in, the home of Sarah M. Kimball, the school\u2019s original purpose was training women to work as designers of furnishings, textiles, and household products in local industries. That purpose remained fundamental even though the school soon admitted a few male students, and developed a substantial program in the fine arts.[31]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The early survival of the school was ensured by the support of leading women and men of the city, many of whom were industrialists and civic leaders. Their support undoubtedly came from a mixture of motives and concerns, ranging from a general\u00a0belief in\u00a0the education and improvement of women to an interest in ensuring the competitiveness of Cleveland\u2019s manufactured goods.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Support notwithstanding, the school struggled to balance its books in the first years, and financial problems were probably behind the school\u2019s merger with Western Reserve University from 1888 to 1891. But the school\u2019s trustees backed out of the arrangement (which joined the art faculties of the institutions) when it became clear that the University did not support their interest in the industrial application of the arts.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The school reorganized on a firmer foundation in 1892 when the trustees, led by Stevenson Burke and his wife, Ella M. Burke, hired Georgie Leigh Norton (a graduate of the Massachusetts Normal Art School) as director, and acquired the former Horace Kelley residence on East 55th Street for classrooms and studios. Kelley\u2019s estate had been designated for the support of a future city art museum, so the sale of his house to the school of art was very appropriate. Norton reconstituted the curriculum for the 85 students enrolled that year, bringing in talented Cleveland artists, such as Louis\u00a0Rorimer, a furniture designer, to supplement the regular instructors.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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In 1904, as the school\u2019s increased enrollments and need for studio space pressed against the limits of the Kelley mansion,\u00a0Jeptha\u00a0H. Wade II donated to the school a parcel of land in the Wade Allotment at\u00a0the corner of Magnolia Drive and Juniper Road. Wade was about to begin selling residential lots in this area, and the presence of an art institute was probably regarded as an attraction to prospective buyers. Discussions leading to the location of the Cleveland Museum of Art in Wade Park were also beginning, and the school\u2019s trustees probably wanted to be nearby.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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A sturdy brick Italian Renaissance building was dedicated on the site early in 1906: the architects were Hubble and Benes, who had designed the Western Reserve Historical Society\u2019s new building in the Circle just six years earlier, and who a decade later were the architects of the nearby Cleveland Museum of Art. Half of the construction costs were paid by the Burkes, with the remainder donated by other board members.[32]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The school\u2019s new location provided opportunities for program expansion and for cooperative ventures with other Circle institutions. A public school teacher\u2019s training program began in 1906, and a juried exhibition for Cleveland-area artists was held the same year. Ceramics and commercial illustration were soon added\u00a0to the curriculum, and in 1909-10 an addition was built for a clay modeling studio. Annexes were added in 1921 and 1923, the first with the aid of a $100,000 gift from Cleveland industrialist Worcester Warner.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The Cleveland Museum of Art opened in 1916, just a few blocks away from the school, and the next year the school\u2019s new director, Henry Turner Bailey, began serving as an advisor to the museum\u2019s education department. Bailey offered a half-year course in art appreciation at the museum in 1918 \u2014 enrolling 506 students and 97 auditors![33]<\/sup><\/a> Throughout the 1920s the school tried to develop closer ties with the Art Museum and Western Reserve University. Bailey explored with them the mutual benefits of a new site for the school, an architecture department (Bailey established one in 1921 which was expected to evolve into an independent institution), and an industrial arts museum to be operated by Western Reserve and Case.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The proposed new school site (which indeed became the location of the art school eventually) was at the corner of East Boulevard and Bellflower Road, and its proximity to the Museum of Art led the dreamers to plan for a tunnel to connect Cleveland\u2019s major art institutions. Being nearer to Case and Western Reserve more of their students were expected to enroll in art school courses. The College for Women already had a regular arrangement. These plans were one of the major considerations leading to the formation of the Cleveland Conference for Educational Cooperation, a loose affiliation of Circle institutions that in the latter 1920s attempted to draw up a coherent design for institutional growth and development in the Circle.[34]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The grand plans for cooperation quickly dissipated with the onset of the\u00a0Great\u00a0Depression. From 1930 to 1933 enrollments dropped by 40% at the school, fund-raising was stifled, and faculty salaries were cut drastically. Bailey resigned as director in 1930 and his successor, Henry Hunt Clark, spent\u00a0much of his fifteen years (1931-46) in the position seeking to maintain the school\u2019s standards in the face of uncertain enrollments (reduced first by depression, then war) and strained finances.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The school was sustained through these difficulties by continuing philanthropic support. For example, George Gund, a Cleveland businessman and banker, who had initially become a major donor in 1923 by establishing (along with his mother) an annual travel prize for an outstanding graduate, gave regular gifts until his death in 1966. The school also relied heavily on philanthropic support in the early 1950s when, under a new director and new name \u2014 the Cleveland Institute of Art (adopted 1948), it raised funds to erect a $3 million building on East Boulevard. Opened in 1956, the new facilities included expanded studios for painting, sculpture, weaving, metalwork, and many other activities, a 600-seat auditorium, two exhibition galleries, and (for the first time in its history) adequate library space. It was twenty-five years until additional permanent studio space was needed, and then the old Ford Motor assembly plant (\u201cThe Factory\u201d) at Euclid Avenue and E. 116th Street was purchased and renovated.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The Cleveland Institute of Art continued\u00a0to have a strong focus on industrial design and on craft skills, and joint programs with the Cleveland Museum of Art and Case Western Reserve University\u00a0were\u00a0an outstanding example of the fulfillment of the visions of the early leaders of Cleveland\u2019s cultural organizations.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Western Reserve Historical Society: Assembling a City\u2019s Memory<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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The Western Reserve Historical Society was founded as a department of the Cleveland Library Association in 1867, and is the oldest surviving cultural institution in Cleveland. It may seem strange that residents of a region just nearing its 70th anniversary of settlement wanted to preserve its \u201chistory,\u201d but\u00a0several\u00a0processes conspired to make Clevelanders aware of the need to conserve the records and artifacts of the past.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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One consideration was that by the 1860s the youngest of the settlers of the Western Reserve, and their children, were near or past their\u00a0biblically-allotted\u00a0threescore and ten\u00a0years, if not already dead. If their old letters, diaries, maps, and artwork were to be preserved, there was no time to be wasted.\u00a0Moreover, the recent Civil War\u00a0was generally regarded as\u00a0the end of an era for the nation, and\u00a0afterward was\u00a0a time for forging a new national identity. There was both a sense of loss, and a recognition that the war\u00a0in which so many had\u00a0died or been maimed for life\u00a0would be a major reference point for those who had survived.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The task that the Historical Society set for itself from the very beginning was \u201cto discover, procure and preserve whatever relates to the history, biography, genealogy, antiquities and statistics connected with the City of Cleveland and the Western Reserve.\u201d[35]<\/sup><\/a> The society was largely the brainchild of Charles C. Baldwin, a lawyer and judge, and Charles W. Whittlesey, a civil engineer and military officer, each of whom had strong amateur interests in geology, archaeology and history.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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In an era of less specialization there was considerable overlap between natural history and human history, especially in the study of the American Indian, to which much of Whittlesey\u2019s work related. Whittlesey served as the society\u2019s president for its first 20 years, and published over 200 local and regional studies. Baldwin\u2019s central interest was cartography, and he amassed and donated to the society a large collection of maps dating from the early French explorations of the Great Lakes. He also showed substantial skill in interesting prominent Clevelanders in the society and in raising funds to sustain it.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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The Historical Society\u2019s first home was the third floor of the Society for Savings building on the northwest edge of Public Square (or, as it was then called, Monumental Park). In 1892 (the same year that the Society received its own charter, becoming independent of the Library Association) the society was able to purchase the entire building, since the Society for Savings had moved into a much larger structure it had built on an adjacent lot. Major donations by Baldwin, John D. Rockefeller, Jeptha H. Wade II, Rutherford B. Hayes, and other trustees and officers funded the acquisition.[36]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Only three years later the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce offered to purchase the society\u2019s building. The terms of the purchase indicate how pivotal the University Circle area had become to the business and cultural leaders of the city, who had seen the Case and Reserve campuses established and part of Wade Park definitely set aside for an art museum. The Chamber\u2019s offer included both a lot at Euclid Avenue and 107th Street, and $55,000 in cash to erect a new building there. The society agreed to make the trade and hired the Cleveland architectural firm of Coburn, Barnum, Benes and Hubbell to design a fireproof building with a museum, library, and auditorium. However, John D. Rockefeller intervened because of his behind-the-scenes acquisition of the properties that he donated to the city in 1896 as Rockefeller Park, and insisted that the Historical Society be located adjacent to the new park at Euclid Avenue and 105th Street on land that he had purchased. The new building opened in 1898, adding a third imposing building to the row across from Wade Park begun by Adelbert College and Case Main in the 1880s.[37]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The society grew smoothly in its collections of books and artifacts over the next several decades. In 1913 it hired its first paid director, Wallace H. Cathcart, who had previously been a president of the society. Some of his efforts went toward increasing the society\u2019s endowment, reported as $10,000 in 1891. It was not much larger in 1915 when the trustees decided to raise enough to bring the total to $250,000, the interest of which was expected to cover the society\u2019s expenses. The largest step toward that goal was Ambrose Swasey\u2019s gift of $50,000 in 1920.[38]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

As Cathcart focused on acquiring an outstanding collection of manuscripts and newspapers, and the interest of the public in museums became more apparent, the society\u2019s building on 107th Street became increasing inadequate for housing the collections.[39]<\/sup><\/a> In 1938 the society purchased the Hay-McKinney residence on East Boulevard, on the north edge of Wade Park, thus acquiring a second building with 26 exhibition rooms, an assembly hall, work rooms, and storage space. Major exhibits on the history of the Western Reserve were soon installed. Two years later the society exchanged its 107th Street building (which was soon demolished) for the Bingham-Hanna residence adjacent to its new museum property, and moved its library there. The two buildings were joined in 1959 by the construction of a central addition.[40]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In this new location the society flourished as never before. It became more of a community resource, and less a club for the historically-minded wealthy. It also began to carry out more fully its mandate as the custodian of the heritage of the Western Reserve, and began to preserve a record of the built environment as well as memorabilia and documents. In 1957 the society opened Hale Farm, south of Cleveland, as an operating homestead of the early 1800s, and in 1965 opened the Crawford Auto-Aviation Museum adjacent to its other East Boulevard buildings. The museum\u2019s automobile collection was the most visited site in the Circle in the 1970s and 1980s.[41]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Cleveland Music School Settlement: Music Outreach with Quality<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
\n

The Cleveland Music School Settlement was founded in 1912 by Almeda C. Adams. Adams was the daughter of a Baptist minister in Ohio, Rev. James Adams. Losing her sight within a few months of her birth in 1865, she obtained an education at the Ohio School for the Blind, including training in vocal music. Wanting more specialized training, late in 1891 she decided to seek the scholarship to the New England Conservatory of Music which Ladies Home Journal<\/em>\u00a0had offered to a woman who could raise a large number of subscriptions. In the course of seeking subscriptions she came to Cleveland and had her story published in the\u00a0Plain Dealer<\/em>. Through her persistence and the publicity, Adams easily achieved her goal.[42]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In 1892 Adams matriculated at the Conservatory, where for two years she continued voice studies and was trained in music education in public schools. Afterward she taught for five years at the Nebraska School for the Blind, and then went to New York for further training. In 1901, stocked with experience, education, and sound references from her teachers and employers, she returned to Cleveland to assist her ailing mother, and began teaching music at three settlement houses \u2014 the Central Friendly Inn, Hiram House, and Alta House.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Working at Alta House, which had been founded by John D. Rockefeller, undoubtedly reintroduced Adams to Rockefeller, who had given her some financial support while she was at the Conservatory. Now he began to give her occasional gifts to further her musical programs, and he paid for her parent\u2019s admission to the Baptist Home for Old People. Adams joined the Euclid Avenue Baptist Church, which was a leading missionary church in the city and well-supported by Rockefeller\u2019s philanthropy since he had been a member there throughout his Cleveland years.[43]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Rockefeller\u2019s approval of her work (he told her that she was \u201cconstantly giving sunshine to all about [her]\u201d) undoubtedly gave Adams heightened credibility with those Clevelanders interested in music institutions, and when in 1911 she decided that she would like to start a settlement house devoted to music, she presented the idea directly to Adella Prentiss Hughes, the leading musical promoter in the city.[44]<\/sup><\/a> Hughes asked Adams to address the Fortnightly Club on the subject, and that group \u2014 which sponsored regular concerts \u2014 set up a committee in February 1912 which only two months later founded the Cleveland Music School Settlement. Its purposes were to provide excellent instruction to musically talented youths without regard to their ability to pay, and to contribute generally to the musical life of the city. From the beginning the settlement served students from a mix of social and economic backgrounds.<\/p>\n

\n

The incorporators and trustees of the city were largely philanthropic-minded women who had previously been involved in social welfare and musical institutions, including Mr. Dudley S. Blossom, Mrs. L. Dean Holden, Mrs. John Huntington, Mrs. R. Livingston Ireland, and Mrs. Andrew Squire. The trustees also included Newton D. Baker, the new mayor of Cleveland. With such leadership it is not surprising that within the first year several individuals, as well as the Fortnightly Club, were induced to contribute $1000 or more to launch the settlement, and others made smaller contributions.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The\u00a0Music\u00a0School\u00a0Settlement opened in the fall of 1912 in rooms at the Goodrich House, a social settlement in downtown Cleveland at St. Clair Avenue and East 6th Street. Within a few weeks there were 111 pupils studying under Almeda C. Adams as the voice teacher, and two other musicians as piano and violin teachers. Administratively the music settlement was headed by Linda W. Sampson, a nurse who proved to be an excellent leader.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Although the music settlement\u2019s financial future was not clear for years to come, the trustees energetically pursued their programs and goals. Very quickly the student body counted 18 nationalities, and it took an early interest in the needs of Cleveland\u2019s African-American community. The music settlement also obtained the assistance of the city government, getting special access to the supplies and instruments of the recently-failed municipal orchestra, and had the tuition for several blind children paid by the Board of Education.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

By 1918 the space requirements for handling the pupils required leasing the former Corning residence at 7033 Euclid Avenue and then, in 1922, purchasing and moving to the former Joseph residence at 1927 E. 93rd Street, bringing the Cleveland Music School Settlement into the orbit of University Circle. The president of the trustees, Mrs. Francis E. Drury, was instrumental in raising some $21,000 (from such donors as Mrs. Dudley S. Blossom and Samuel Mather) to make the move possible. By this time Almeda C. Adams had resigned as vocal teacher, remaining in Cleveland as an independent teacher and director of the Schumann Chorus. Catherine Saunders (formerly of the Boston Music School Settlement) had become the settlement\u2019s director, although the trustees remained very active in its operations.[45]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In its second decade the Music School Settlement continued its strong but not exclusive focus on providing music lessons to children of low-and moderate-income families. In 1921 many of its 375 students had been referred to it by other settlements or social welfare agencies in the city. Its thirty-five teachers were providing lessons on seven instruments, with additional classes in voice and chorus, music theory, dancing, and orchestral music. Its successful outreach program had permitted it to join the Welfare Federation of Cleveland in 1920, a new organization created to raise and distribute funds to the city\u2019s major charities, an affiliation which stabilized the Settlement\u2019s income.[46]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The Settlement had by now become woven into the fabric of Cleveland\u2019s musical life. The regular recitals of its students, the benefit concerts held to support the Settlement\u2019s scholarship funds, and the passage of the Settlement\u2019s students into the settlements and schools of the area to work as teachers, had become important and expected functions of the Settlement. Through the 1920s and into the lean years of the 1930s the Cleveland Music School Settlement pursued its program with a dedication and level of excellence that made it a model for similar organizations throughout the United States.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In 1938, at the same time as the Western Reserve Historical Society\u2019s relocation, the settlement moved into the heart of the Circle. With the 93rd Street building threatened by the extension of Chester Avenue, the trustees purchased the Edmund S. Burke residence in Wade Park Allotment, arguably the most attractive home in University Circle. The settlement\u2019s president, Edward W. Garfield, convinced Burke to convey his house for only $25,000, when it had cost more than ten times that to construct. This new location brought the settlement into even closer contact with the Cleveland Orchestra, whose musicians were often teachers at the settlement; the Cleveland School (later Institute) of Music, with which the settlement shared some teachers and to which it sent students; and Western Reserve University, whose music department frequently sponsored cooperative activities. In its new setting the Settlement was able to increase its enrollments, and in 1946, the first year of the post-war education boom, it had 1,721 students.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In succeeding years the Cleveland Music School Settlement found that its services\u00a0continued to be in demand. There was a growing\u00a0need to provide musical opportunities for low-income children, and the\u00a0musical culture of Cleveland\u00a0continued to draw heavily on both its staff and students. The settlement first expanded in 1955 when it purchased the adjacent Charles S. Brooks residence and renamed it the\u00a0Kulas\u00a0House in honor of the major donation of Mrs. Elroy J.\u00a0Kulas. In 1966 through gifts of the Cleveland Foundation and the Leonard C. Hanna, Jr. Final Fund the settlement was enabled to purchase two additional houses nearby to serve as studios. The settlement\u2019s programs also\u00a0spread through the city by opening branch programs in several areas and by establishing affiliations with the Koch School of Music in Rocky River, and the Rainey Institute on East 55th Street.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Musical Arts Association: The Virtuosity of Adella Prentiss Hughes<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
\n

The Musical Arts Association is one of the great success stories of University Circle. Not only has it created and sustained one of the outstanding orchestras in the world, but it also established an outstanding program of musical education and built and operated Severance Hall, a jewel-like setting for the performing arts.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Cleveland had a growing tradition of musical performance in the first century of its cultural life. A Mozart (singing) Society flourished as early as the 1830s, encouraged by a newspaper editor who wrote that \u201cIn sustaining the Mozart, the citizens of Cleveland foster a science that does much to improve and refine society and give character to its social and religious institutions.\u201d[47]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Succeeding generations of Clevelanders felt much the same way, especially immigrants, for whom music was a way of preserving language and providing entertainment, as well as teaching their children appreciation of the arts. An immigrant group\u2019s arrival in Cleveland in significant numbers was often signaled by the creation of singing societies, bands, and orchestras to perform music of their homelands, and, indeed, such musical groups were often closely allied with ethnic churches.[48]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Ethnic groups, particularly the Germans, provided the personnel and often the audience (not only in Cleveland but also in other American cities) for the early attempts to establish the most demanding ensemble of the Western musical tradition \u2014 the orchestra. The Cleveland Philharmonic Orchestra was formed in 1886 (although a predecessor group, the Cleveland Amateur Philharmonic Society, was created in 1881), and was able to develop sustained donor support though the mid-1890s. Upon its dissolution a series of ventures followed, including a municipally-supported orchestra in 1914-15. But none of these developed the kind of financial base necessary to recruit and hold players and directors of the highest caliber, or to purchase the music and other equipment necessary to sustain a first-class institution.[49]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

It was the founding of the Fortnightly Musical Club in 1894 which began the thread leading to the current Cleveland Orchestra. Adella Prentiss Hughes was a founding member of the society who brought her talents as a musician and impresario to bear on the club\u2019s affairs. She was a native Clevelander, a Vassar graduate, and a trained pianist. In 1898 she took charge of the club\u2019s public concerts and proved able to attract outstanding talent and to keep the books balanced. Within a few years she organized a guaranty fund by which wealthy Clevelanders would pledge substantial amounts of support prior to each season. Her organizational acumen kept the Cleveland appearances of the Pittsburgh Orchestra and of soloist Ernestine Schumann-Heink within budget, and continually increased donors\u2019 confidence in her.[50]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In 1915 Hughes drew on this confidence by taking the lead role in the formation of the Musical Arts Association, a not-for-profit corporation with the purpose of \u201cfurthering the interests of music in the community, accepting and administering trust funds and guaranty funds for musical purposes, and acquiring, holding and operating property to promote the efficiency of musical enterprises.\u201d[51]<\/sup><\/a> Here was a commitment to sustain professional music in Cleveland. Adella Prentiss Hughes was the woman who had won that commitment and knew what to do with it.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In 1918 after three years of successful series with visiting orchestras, Hughes led the Association into creating the Cleveland Orchestra. She persuaded John L. Severance to pay for one year the salary of conductor Nikolai Sokoloff (a Russian-born American), so that he could assist the Cleveland Public Schools in developing an instrumental music program. In the meantime Sokoloff was to create an orchestra out of local talent to perform in the schools, and in other invited settings. As it turned out, the \u201cSpanish flu\u201d epidemic limited Sokoloff\u2019s work in the schools and the first performance of the 54-member orchestra was on December 11, 1918 in Gray\u2019s Armory in downtown Cleveland.[52]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The Cleveland Orchestra grew steadily and received rapidly increasing recognition through the 1920s. Under the administration of Hughes, who continued to be successful as a fundraiser and organizer, the orchestra had a firm financial base. Corporations were prevailed upon to sponsor concerts, and Hughes was able to obtain substantial gifts from donors. Sokoloff was able to supplement Cleveland\u2019s talent with a few musicians from New York, and as soon as 1920 was able to offer contracts for thirty weeks to eighty-five players.[53]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In all of this growth the outreach to the schools was not forgotten. At the beginning the focus was on teaching instrumental music. Members of the orchestra went into the schools to instruct those playing particular instruments, or to lead entire ensembles. By 1922 800 pupils received instruction annually. The orchestra also gave concerts for schoolchildren, at first in the schools, but in 1921 and thereafter at Masonic Hall and other public auditoriums.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In 1929 the Musical Arts Association hired a professional musician, Lillian Baldwin, as Consultant in Music Education, with primary responsibility for developing the children\u2019s concerts. She wrote study material to go with each concert, and found ingenious ways to create and sustain interest. She urged students to save their money for concert fees by writing this ditty:<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

\u201cHooray!\u201d\u00a0cried Quincy Quarter,
\n\u201cMy owner\u2019s saving me
\nTo hear a Children\u2019s Concert
\nI\u2019m proud, as proud can be!\u201d[54]<\/sup><\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n

\n

By 1945-46 the orchestra had an annual attendance at children\u2019s concerts of 60,000.[55]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The best way for an orchestra to gauge its development and stretch its capabilities is to go on tour. Adella Prentiss Hughes arranged a Pittsburgh appearance for the orchestra in its first season, and numerous other out-of-town engagements thereafter. As early as 1926 the orchestra\u2019s appearance at Carnegie Hall in New York provoked an enthusiastic review in the Herald-Tribune<\/em>: \u201cM. Sokoloff has again put us in his debt. His performance moved us to felicitate the happy concert goers of Cleveland, who can hear so fine an orchestra and conductor in haughty independence and with pardonable pride.\u201d[56]<\/sup><\/a> Within a few years of its founding it was generally agreed that the Cleveland Orchestra was one of the best in the United States.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

An established orchestra needs a home. In the first years of its existence the Cleveland Orchestra had several venues \u2014 the Masonic Hall, Public Hall downtown, and Gray\u2019s Armory \u2014 but none permanent, and none designed for the sound of a modern symphony orchestra. In 1928 Adella Prentiss Hughes and the trustees of the Musical Arts Association launched a campaign to fund the construction of a concert hall, and to create an endowment for the orchestra. Hughes and the chairman of the trustees, Dudley Blossom, had already laid the groundwork for a successful campaign by persuading John L. Severance to contribute $1 million for the hall (which Severance conditioned on the raising of an endowment of $2 million or more), and Blossom and his wife, Elizabeth Bingham Blossom, immediately donated $750,000 to the endowment fund.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The funds were raised by the spring of 1929 \u2013 as it turned out, none too soon with the onset of the Great Depression a few months away. The site for the new hall, to be dedicated as Severance Hall, was on Euclid Avenue at East Boulevard in University Circle. The lot was leased to the Musical Arts Association for $1 a year by Western Reserve University, which had been given the site by Jeptha H. Wade II. In recent years the lot had been considered an ideal location for a cultural institution.[57]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The design of Severance Hall was carried out with utmost care. Hughes and Severance personally selected items for the auditorium such as seating, lighting, and color schemes for comfort and harmony. They consulted with orchestra members regarding proper seats, and planned for excellent rehearsal and storage facilities. A room for broadcasting live music and a chamber music hall were integrated into the plan; and the auditorium was fully air-conditioned. A driveway was to pass through the building at ground level so that limousines could drop off patrons as close to the auditorium as possible.[58]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

During the construction of Severance Hall Mrs. Severance died, and Mr. Severance began to look upon the building as a memorial to his wife. He eventually spent more than double his original pledge in order to install the highest quality furnishings. As a result of his generosity the main foyer had\u00a0a multi-colored marble floor, red jasper columns, and bronze trim. A frieze depicting the musical instruments of antiquity decorated\u00a0the wall.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In contrast to the warm colors of the public meeting-place, the foyer, the auditorium had the cooler colors of a place of calm and contemplation. The upholstery, carpeting and draperies were originally aquamarine, the ceiling silver and gray, and the trim silver. The acoustics of the auditorium were excellent from the beginning, in part due to the design of the architects, Walker & Weeks, and in part because of the painstaking calculations of Professor Dayton Miller, chairman of the physics department at Case School.[59]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

In this setting the Cleveland Orchestra played an opening concert on February 5, 1931, featuring \u201cEvocation,\u201d a commissioned work for orchestra and chorus composed by Charles Martin Loeffler. Sokoloff, the conductor, had seen the orchestra evolve from merely a vision he shared with Adella Prentiss Hughes to a role of leadership in the musical world, leadership it sustained over the next 50 years. In 1933 Sokoloff was succeeded by Arthur Rodzinski, who had a particular interest in opera, and exploited the excellent facilities of Severance Hall with operatic productions during his first four years in Cleveland.[60]<\/sup><\/a> Many critics regarded the orchestra as the best in the world under conductor George Szell (1946-1970), whose dedication to precision performance gave the orchestra distinction. In 1959 Severance Hall was rebuilt at Szell\u2019s insistence in order to allow the audience to appreciate the \u201cCleveland sound\u201d more fully.[61]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

*\u00a0\u00a0 *\u00a0\u00a0 *<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

The histories of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland Institute of Art, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland Music School Settlement, and Cleveland Orchestra are largely representative of the cultural institutions\u00a0that\u00a0gathered at University\u00a0Circle by the mid-20th century. They were created by dedicated citizens, largely members of the wealthy elite, who acted not only out of their own interest, but also in the faith that Cleveland would be a better place if public institutions were established to diffuse the benefits of modern culture. Generally they hired\u00a0skilled\u00a0professionals to lead the new institutions, and invariably the founders raised substantial funds (often out of their own pocketbooks) to run the programs created by those\u00a0professionals.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

As historian Margaret Lynch has noted, Cleveland created its art museum, orchestra and several other cultural institutions somewhat later than other Midwestern cities of comparable size, such as Chicago and Cincinnati. But Clevelanders were quicker to put them on a sound operating basis, both financially and professionally.[62]<\/sup><\/a> In general, the commonalities of philanthropic processes, and the effects of conscious planning, tended to shape their histories. A community of institutions was formed at the Circle whose commitment was to cultural uplift, care for the socially unfortunate, and in some instances, religious values. In large measure, they reflected the ideals of the elite that founded and developed the University Circle.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

  1. Chapters 11-13, following, further describe these developments. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  2. Eric Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture, 1876-1976<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1979), pp. 13-17, 89. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  3. I am writing about those institutions eventually sited in University Circle. Although a very large number of Cleveland\u2019s most important nonprofit institutions have clustered in the Circle, others have remained at or near where they were established (e.g., settlement houses), and others have followed migration patterns to the west or south of the city, following socio-economic groups in those directions similar to what I am describing here for what were generally elite institutions. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  4. The movement of socio-economic groups (and their associated institutions such as fraternal organizations and churches) in distinct pathways outward from the urban core is a common phenomenon in American history. Scholars have not regularly commented on the similar movement of other types of nonprofit institutions. See, for example: Jon C. Teaford, The Twentieth-Century American City: Problem, Promise, and Reality<\/em> (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1986), pp. 23-25; Edward R. Miggins and Mary Morganthaler, \u201cThe Ethnic Mosaic: The Settlement of Cleveland by New Immigrants and Migrants,\u201d in Thomas P. Campbell and Edward F. Miggins, eds., The Birth of Modern Cleveland, 1865-1930<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1988), pp. 104-140; Howard L. Preston, Automobile Age Atlanta: The Making of a Southern Metropolis, 1900-1935<\/em> (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1979). ↵<\/a><\/li>
  5. The apparent exception to this pattern is Cleveland\u2019s African-American population, which faced severe racial restrictions on outward migration. Important institutions serving that community have some outward migration, but have ended their movement short of the Circle: for example, the Eliza Bryant Center, Karamu House, and the Afro-American Cultural and Historical Society. See chapters 3 and 10 for discussions of African-American residential patterns. [Author\u2019s note: this commentary was written in 1990.] ↵<\/a><\/li>
  6. Carl Wittke, The First Fifty Years: The Cleveland Museum of Art, 1916-1966<\/em> (Cleveland: The John Huntington Art and Polytechnic Trust, and the Cleveland Museum of Art, 1966), p. 12. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  7. Annals of Cleveland<\/em> (Cleveland: Cleveland W.P.A. Project, 1936 - ) 13 (1830): 95. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  8. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 18-21; David D. Van Tassel and John J. Grabowski, eds., Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em> (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1987), pp. 50-51, 740. The 1893 date of the first exhibition is confirmed in Samuel P. Orth, A History of Cleveland, Ohio<\/em> (Chicago and Cleveland: S. J. Clarke, 1910) 1: 461, while other sources are uncertain whether it was in 1893 or 1894. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  9. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 50-51. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  10. E.g., Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 6, no. 3 (April 1919): 56. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  11. Annals of Cleveland<\/em> 35 (1852): 186. It is unclear whether the editorialist conceived of an art museum only, or a general museum. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  12. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 25-32, 35-39. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  13. William G. Rose, Cleveland: The Making of a City<\/em> (Cleveland: World Publishing, 1950), p. 650. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  14. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, p. 39; Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, pp. 124-25 ↵<\/a><\/li>
  15. I.T. Frary, \u201cF.A. Whiting Resigns from Museum Directorship,\u201d press release, c. February 1930, in Biographical Material about Frederic Allen Whiting<\/em> (unpublished, 1949), reference no. U18W598.W59, Cleveland Museum of Art Library, Cleveland, OH; Cleveland Plain Dealer<\/em>, 23 December 1959. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  16. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 46-47. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  17. Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 1, no. 1 (April 1914): 2. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  18. Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em>, 1, no. 4 (February 1915): 7. Whiting\u2019s and Allen\u2019s belief that an art museum could inspire industrial workers had been developed more than twenty years earlier in Boston and Chicago: Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, Culture and the City: Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago from the 1880s to 1917<\/em> (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1976), p. 74. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  19. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 61-71. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  20. Ibid<\/em>, p. 45; Cleveland Museum of Art, Seventh Annual Report, 1922<\/em> (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, [1923]), p. 139. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  21. Katharine Gibson, \u201cThe Cleveland Museum of Art During its First Fourteen Years,\u201d in Biographical Material about Frederic Allen Whiting<\/em>. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  22. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 82-83. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  23. William M. Milliken, A Time Remembered<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1975), pp. 96-97. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  24. Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 4, no. 1 (January 1917): 9; Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, p. 48. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  25. Seventh Annual Report<\/em>, p. 140; Harry Bober, \u201cMedieval Art at Cleveland,\u201d Apollo<\/em> 75, no. 6 (December 1963): 450. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  26. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, pp. 85-87. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  27. Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em>, pt. 2 (1935): 4; pt. 2 (1939): 5; pt. 2 (1940): 3; Henry Hanley, \u201cPre-Columbian Art at Cleveland,\u201d Apollo<\/em> 75, no. 6 (December 1963): 490-91. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  28. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 468. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  29. Wittke, The First Fifty Years<\/em>, p. 87. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  30. Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 14, pt. 2 (April 1937): 3. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  31. This review of the Institute\u2019s history is based on Nancy Coe Wixom\u2019s The Cleveland Institute of Art: The First Hundred Years, 1882-1982<\/em> (Cleveland: Cleveland Institute of Art, 1983). Unless otherwise cited, data on the Institute are drawn from that work. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  32. In 1906 the School asked John D. Rockefeller for $100,000 toward an endowment of $200,000, but there is no evidence that he made the gift: S. Murphy to John D. Rockefeller, Jr., 22 March 1906, \u201cCleveland School of Art\u201d file, box 29, Welfare \u2013 General series, RG 2, RFA. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  33. Cleveland Museum of Art, Bulletin<\/em> 5 (January 1918): 21. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  34. Cleveland Press<\/em>, 8 February 1928. See further discussion of the Cleveland Conference for Educational Cooperation in chapter 10, following. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  35. Elbert J. Benton, Cultural Story of an American City: Cleveland, <\/em>part III. (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1946), p. 86. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  36. Orth, Cleveland<\/em>, pp. 589-93; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 68-69, 1047-48. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  37. Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, pp. 39-40; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 1041; Elbert J. Benton, A Short History of the Western Reserve Historical Society, 1867-1942<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1942), pp. 8-9, 11; Amos Townsend to John D. Rockefeller, 6 August 1891, box 46, Office Correspondence, Record Group (hereafter RG) 1.2, Rockefeller Family Archives (hereafter RFA), Rockefeller Archive Center (hereafter RAC), Sleepy Hollow, NY; John D. Rockefeller to Amos Townsend, 13 August 1891, box 2, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; C. C. Baldwin to John D. Rockefeller, 27 February 1892, box 2, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; J.G.W. Cowles to John D. Rockefeller, 28 January 1896, \u201cCleveland Boulevard, 1895-1897\u201d folder, box 3, REI series, RG 2, RFA; John D. Rockefeller, memorandum, 30 January 1896, \u201cCleveland Boulevard, 1895-1897\u201d folder, box 3, REI series, RG 2, RFA; J.G.W. Cowles to John D. Rockefeller, 30 January 1896, \u201cCleveland Boulevard, 1895-1897\u201d folder, box 3, REI series, RG 2, RFA. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  38. Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, p. 62; Benton, A Short History<\/em>, pp. 11-12. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  39. Amos Townsend to John D. Rockefeller, 6 August 1891, box 46, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Wallace H. Cathcart to John D. Rockefeller, 30 August 1920 box 27, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 160. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  40. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 160. Benton, A Short History<\/em>, pp. 13-14; Meredith Colket, \u201cThe Italian Renaissance Buildings of the Western Reserve Historical Society,\u201d booklet reprinted from the Western Reserve Historical Society News<\/em> (July-August 1979 and September-October 1979). ↵<\/a><\/li>
  41. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 1041. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  42. Unless otherwise noted, the following paragraphs rely on Silvia Zverina\u2019s And They Shall Have Music: The History of the Cleveland Music School Settlement<\/em> (Cleveland: Cobham and Hatherton Press, 1988). ↵<\/a><\/li>
  43. Martha M. Tuttle to Almeda C. Adams, 20 September 1894, volume 37, John D. Rockefeller Letterbooks (hereafter JDR LBs), RG 1, RFA; John D. Rockefeller to Almeda C. Adams, 31 August 1905, volume 215, JDR LBs; n.a. to Almeda C. Adams, 13 January 1908, volume 223, JDR LBs; \u201cRev. James Adams,\u201d John D. Rockefeller pledge cards, RG 1; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 380. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  44. John D. Rockefeller to Almeda C. Adams, 15 August 1908, volume 224, JDR LBs. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  45. The reasons for Adams\u2019 resignation are obscure. She had spent 1918-19 on leave to study at the Mannes School in New York, and on her return referred to having a \u201cmost bitter and painful experience\u201d at the Music School Settlement. The trustees accepted her resignation in September 1919. Silvia Zverina notes that new procedures were instituted by the new director (Catherine Saunders) who arrived in Adams\u2019 absence; possibly Adams was herself a candidate for the directorship and found it difficult to return to the Settlement in her old role. Almeda C. Adams to John D. Rockefeller, 10 August 1919, John D. Rockefeller, Sr. Correspondence, folder 25, box 3, RG 2, RFA. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  46. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 394-95. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  47. Annals of Cleveland 21<\/em> (1838): 189. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  48. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 704-6. Under \u201cMusic, Drama, Dance\u201d the Cleveland Ethnic Directory<\/em> of 1980 listed many musical groups with an ethnic focus, some with recognizable 19th-century roots: Cleveland Ethnic Directory<\/em> (Cleveland: Nationalities Center of Cleveland, 1980). ↵<\/a><\/li>
  49. Mary C. Harvey to John D. Rockefeller, 16 July 1886 and 11 October 1890, folder 143, box 19, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Charles F. Brush to John D. Rockefeller, 17 June 1893, box 5, Office Correspondence, RG 1.2, RFA; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 705; Margaret Lynch, \u201cThe Growth of Cleveland as a Cultural Center,\u201d in Campbell and Miggins, eds., The Birth of Modern Cleveland<\/em>, pp. 204, 206; Horowitz, Culture and the City<\/em>, pp. 110-11. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  50. Adella Prentiss Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em> (Cleveland and New York: World Publishing, 1947), pp. 44, 51, 56-57; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, pp. 418, 531. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  51. Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, p. 202. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  52. Ibid<\/em>, pp. 254-55. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  53. Ibid<\/em>, pp. 263-4, 272, 279, 280-81. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  54. Ibid<\/em>, pp. 290-94. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  55. Ibid<\/em>, pp. 298. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  56. Quoted in \u201cCleveland\u2019s Orchestra,\u201d Fortune<\/em> (November 1931), p. 133. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  57. Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, pp. 76-78. Newton Baker first urged that the University acquire the site: Newton D. Baker to Charles F. Thwing, 25 May 1912, folder 5, container 5, Newton Baker Papers, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, OH. Note that a plan of the western portion of University Circle prepared in 1922 has a large auditorium-like structure on the future site of Severance Hall: Michael G. Lawrence, Make No Little Plans: Architectural Drawings from the Collection of the Cuyahoga County Archives and the Western Reserve Historical Society<\/em> (Cleveland: Western Reserve Historical Society, 1980), pp. 34, 36. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  58. \u201cCleveland\u2019s Orchestra,\u201d pp. 134, 139; Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, pp. 79-80, 83-84 ↵<\/a><\/li>
  59. \u201cCleveland\u2019s Orchestra,\" pp. 134, 139; Elizabeth Kirk, Severance Hall: the First Fifty Years<\/em> (Cleveland: Carpenter Reserve Printing, 1981); Kathy Coquillette, Guidebook: Severance Hall<\/em> (Cleveland: n.p., c. 1982); Johannesen, Cleveland Architecture<\/em>, pp. 161-63. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  60. Hughes, Music is My Life<\/em>, p. 81; Kirk, Severance Hall<\/em>, unpaginated; Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 839 ↵<\/a><\/li>
  61. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History<\/em>, p. 947. ↵<\/a><\/li>
  62. Lynch, \u201cThe Growth of Cleveland as a Cultural Center,\u201d pp. 202, 208-9, 211-12, 214, 226; Horowitz, Culture and the City<\/em>, pp. 159-66, 212-13. ↵<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":3,"menu_order":2,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":""},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[],"class_list":["post-44","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry"],"part":38,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/44","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"version-history":[{"count":13,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/44\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":248,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/44\/revisions\/248"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/38"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/44\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=44"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=44"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=44"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/history-of-university-circle-in-cleveland\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=44"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}