{"id":633,"date":"2021-11-03T17:21:08","date_gmt":"2021-11-03T17:21:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/understanding-literacy-in-our-lives\/?post_type=chapter&p=633"},"modified":"2021-11-03T17:27:51","modified_gmt":"2021-11-03T17:27:51","slug":"s","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/pressbooks.ulib.csuohio.edu\/understanding-literacy-in-our-lives\/chapter\/s\/","title":{"rendered":"5.1 “Sorry to Bother You”-the perception of code-switching among African American Males"},"content":{"raw":"
\r\n\r\nSorry to Bother You - the perception of code-switching among African American males<\/a>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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Joseph Bukowski<\/strong><\/a> Follow<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n

Date of Award\u00a0<\/span>5-2019<\/span><\/div>\r\n
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Culminating Project Type\u00a0Thesis<\/h4>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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Degree Name English: Teaching English as a Second Language: M.A.<\/h4>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
Department\u00a0<\/span>English<\/span><\/div>\r\n
College\u00a0<\/span>College of Liberal Arts<\/span><\/div>\r\n
First Advisor\u00a0<\/span>James Robinson\u00a0<\/span>Second Advisor\u00a0<\/span>Michael Schwartz\u00a0<\/span>Third Advisor\u00a0<\/span>Christopher Lehman<\/span><\/div>\r\n
Creative Commons License<\/span><\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\n\"Creative<\/a>\r\nThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License<\/a>.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
Keywords and Subject Headings<\/span><\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\ncodeswitching, language, standard english, black language\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
Abstract<\/span><\/div>\r\n
\r\n\r\nThis paper explores the African American male perception of codeswitching between African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and Standard American English (SAE) within varying social, academic, and professional environments. This research is collected through interviews with 10 subjects from varying socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, while attempting to better understand how these perceptions were potentially created and reinforced through social and academic experience; while also attempting connection between these experiences and subject\u2019s awareness of the presence of their own codeswitching as adults. This paper classifies subjects into two distinct groups based on socioeconomic and academic upbringing, identifying subjects from dominant culture (Tatum, 2017) as \u201cHomogenous\u201d and those from more ethnically diverse backgrounds as \u201cDiverse\u201d to more easily identify different experiences which could be associated to differentiated upbringings.\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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Recommended Citation<\/h4>\r\nBukowski, Joseph, \"Sorry to Bother You - the perception of code-switching among African American males\" (2019). Culminating Projects in TESL<\/em>. 4.\r\nhttps:\/\/repository.stcloudstate.edu\/tesl_etds\/4\r\n
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\r\n\r\nSt. Cloud State University<\/span>\r\n\r\ntheRepository at St. Cloud State\r\n<\/span>Culminating Projects in TESL Department of English<\/span>\r\n\r\n5-2019<\/span>\r\n\r\nSorry to Bother You - the perception of code-switching among African American males<\/span>\r\n\r\nJoseph Bukowski<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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\r\n\r\nFollow this and additional works at: <\/span>https:\/\/repository.stcloudstate.edu\/tesl_etds<\/span>\r\n\r\nRecommended Citation\r\n<\/span>Bukowski, Joseph, \"Sorry to Bother You - the perception of code-switching among African American males\" (2019). Culminating Projects in TESL. 4.\r\n<\/span>https:\/\/repository.stcloudstate.edu\/tesl_etds\/4<\/span>\r\n\r\nThis Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of English at theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culminating Projects in TESL by an authorized administrator of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact <\/span>rswexelbaum@stcloudstate.edu<\/span>.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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\r\n\r\nSorry to Bother You: The African American Male Perspective on Codeswitching<\/span>\r\n\r\nby\r\nJoseph Bukowski<\/span>\r\n\r\nA Thesis\r\nSubmitted to the Graduate Faculty of\r\nSt. Cloud State University\r\nin Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements\r\nfor the Degree\r\nMaster of Arts in\r\nEnglish: Teaching English as a Second Language<\/span>\r\n\r\nMay, 2019<\/span>\r\n\r\nThesis Committee: James Robinson, Chairperson Michael Schwartz Christopher Lehman<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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\r\n\r\nAbstract<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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\r\n\r\n2<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
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\r\n\r\nThis paper explores the African American male perception of codeswitching between African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and Standard American English (SAE) within varying social, academic, and professional environments. This research is collected through interviews with 10 subjects from varying socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, while attempting to better understand how these perceptions were potentially created and reinforced through social and academic experience; while also attempting connection between these experiences and <\/span>subject\u2019s <\/span>awareness of the presence of their own codeswitching as adults. This paper classifies subjects into two distinct groups based on socioeconomic and academic<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
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\r\n\r\nupbringing, identifying subjects from dominant culture (Tatum, 2017) as <\/span>\u201cHomogenous\u201d <\/span>and those from more ethnically diverse backgrounds as <\/span>\u201cDiverse\u201d <\/span>to more easily identify different experiences which could be associated to differentiated upbringings.<\/span>\r\n\r\nKeywords: African-American Vernacular English, AAVE, Ebonics, Standard American English, SAE, codeswitching, dialect, dominant culture<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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\r\n\r\nTable of Contents<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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\r\n\r\nPage List of Table .................................................................................................................... 5 List of Figures ................................................................................................................. 6<\/span>\r\n\r\nChapter<\/span>\r\n
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  1. Introduction ......................................................................................................... 7<\/span>Problem Statement ......................................................................................... 9<\/span>Research Question ......................................................................................... 10<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
  2. Literature Review ................................................................................................ 11<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
  3. Methodology ........................................................................................................ 35<\/span>Participants .................................................................................................... 35 Data Collection .............................................................................................. 35 Procedures ...................................................................................................... 35 Analysis Plan ................................................................................................. 36<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
  4. Results ................................................................................................................. 38 Overall View of Languages ........................................................................... 38 White People Style Switching to AAVE ........................................................ 40 Language in Social Areas .............................................................................. 43 Language in Academia .................................................................................. 45 Language in Professional Environments ........................................................ 51<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
  5. Discussion ............................................................................................................ 56 Perception of AA VE and SAE ....................................................................... 58<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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    \r\n\r\n3<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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    \r\n\r\n4<\/span>\r\n\r\nChapter Page Socioeconomic and Cultural Effects on Language Usage ............................. 59 Perceived Importance of AAVE in Socioeconomically Diverse<\/span>\r\n\r\nCommunities ........................................................................................... 61 Perception of White People using AAVE ...................................................... 63 Restrictions and Limitations .......................................................................... 64<\/span>\r\n\r\n6. Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 66 References ................................................................................................................. 69<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
    \r\n
    \r\n
    \r\n\r\nList of Table<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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    \r\n\r\nTable Page 1. Subject Profile Chart ........................................................................................... 37<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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    \r\n\r\n5<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
    \r\n
    \r\n
    \r\n\r\nList of Figures<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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    \r\n\r\nFigure<\/span>\r\n
      \r\n \t
    1. Is there a difference between black and white language? .................................... 38<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
    2. Dialect preference ................................................................................................ 39<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
    3. Interviewed subjects (collective) responses to white people using AAVE .......... 40<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
    4. Traits and phrases describing language correctness ............................................ 45<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
    5. Direct reportable recollection of confrontations regarding language ................... 47<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\nPage<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\n6<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\n7<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
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      \r\n\r\nChapter 1: Introduction<\/span>\r\n\r\nAt its core, language can be broken down simply as a set of regularly structured sounds and patterns with defined meanings associated with these sounds. Though there are obviously <\/span>several forms of oral languages, the term \u201cdialect\u201d specifically attaches to the assume different <\/span>variations of these similar sounds and patterns belonging within the same language system<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      \r\n
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      \r\n\r\n(Speicher & McMahon, 1992, p. 383). This leads to the obvious assumption then that dialect, sharing the same linguistic properties of its origin language, could be considered with the same regard for its capability of producing the goals, needs, thoughts, or emotions of its producer. However, it is within these forms of various dialects and language variants which negative connotations or perspectives begin to attach themselves. Thus, contributing to stereotypes furthering labels and misrepresentation of speaker intelligence, motivation, and intention.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nRegarding the English language, or moreover American English specifically, these <\/span>variants can be labeled as \u201cstreet talk\u201d, \u201cghetto slang\u201d, or \u201chillbilly speak\u201d; often perpetuating a <\/span>further negative connotation supporting ideas suggesting producers of these dialects are inferior to that of those who cast judgment. The perpetuation of these false narratives can create borders to specific educational and personal achievement, while embedding negative thoughts towards the linguistic form within the origin community as well. Understanding this concept, as both linguistic researchers and instructors serving as gatekeepers of the English Language, we must ask ourselves: What effects can this sort of labeling or linguistic hierarchy have on both perception of self, as well as the perception of native language usage on a speaker of this dialect? Moreover, what impact can these stereotypes have on the language or dialect itself?<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\n8 The African American English Vernacular (AAVE) has always been of interest to me, for<\/span>\r\n\r\nthese same considerations. As a young white student growing up in small-town Wisconsin, the negative perceptions of AAVE were fully displayed by teachers and other peers throughout the community. A key to succeeding not just in academia, but in life, was to master Standard American English. There was no exception to the matter, and those who did not were simply judged as uneducated or disinterested in bettering themselves. For example, the use of double- negatives was considered lazy by instructors, and the few African American students in our town were pigeonholed as underachievers.<\/span>\r\n\r\nAfter growing into adulthood and enriching my life away from the narrow minds of small-town Wisconsin, my life began to fill with a greater multicultural presence of several variations of dialect, including African American Vernacular English (AAVE). Through continued experiences and conversations, I began to better understand the linguistic value within differing cultures. As my own comprehension of various language and dialectal forms increased, so did a genuine curiosity regarding the usage of AAVE within the black community. I noticed several instances in which black colleagues would seemingly codeswitch between implementations of both African American Vernacular English and Standard American English, notably based on their personal comfort level with the surroundings and audience. As a student, researcher, and educator or the English language, I became increasingly interested in understanding why this codeswitching within English dialects occurred cross-culturally. Yes, there is a time and place for proper dialect usage versus slag, such as in an office or classroom; however, these settings represent only a small portion of the codeswitching internally and externally I personally witnessed within the black community. Restating that all languages are<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
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      \r\n\r\n9 theoretically created equal; is there an apprehension or negative connotation built into the native<\/span>\r\n\r\nusage of African American English in the United States? It is the collection of these memories, conversations, and questions which have inspired the research included in this document. Simply put, it is the goal of this document to better understand if the exposure to (and reinforcement of) <\/span>these negative stereotypes at a young age has impacted African American\u2019s comfort level <\/span>with the language itself. Furthermore, this research has been conducted to discuss if this potential linguistic discrimination causes African American males to understand the developed skill of codeswitching as a requirement rather than a choice in the realm of social acceptance and success in the United States.<\/span>\r\n\r\nProblem Statement<\/span>\r\n\r\nIt is my belief that racial tension is engrained in the United States. This tension is fueled by misinformation, misrepresentation, and a lack of comprehension of other cultural needs for representation and expression. Though there are several various cultures and forms of dialect within the United States, an echoing stereotype persists stating that we are all similar as <\/span>\u201cAmericans.\u201d <\/span>In making that assumption, I believe we lose sight of the various cultural intricacies that must be understood and supported on an intercultural level.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThis research intends to examine dialect codeswitching and its place in the dynamic of interracial communication outwardly from the African American male community. Furthermore, this research aims to discover if the black community considers these efforts successful in cultural preservation or representation of African American English dialect as a class of prestige.<\/span>\r\n\r\nI am convinced the African American males are linguistically oppressed due to negative stereotypes and underserving of instructors or mentors within academia. Furthermore, it is my<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
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      \r\n\r\n10 theory that these negative associations with African American Vernacular English create the<\/span>\r\n\r\nperception of codeswitching between African American English and Standard American English as a requirement for entry into what could be considered a demonstration of a successful life as an American adult. To truly grasp and understand this idea, research was conducted into the history of African American origins, as well as its and development through time. In developing this comprehension, further research into the historic usage of the language aided in confirming the distinct linguistic differences between African American English and what is considered Standard American English. Finally, identifying these linguistic and cultural differences through literature review will help to add reader context in the discussion of linguistic inequality and methods of linguistic oppression.<\/span>\r\n\r\nResearch Question<\/span>\r\n\r\nHow do African-American males (professionals?) use <\/span>\u201cblack voice\u201d and \u201cwhite voice\u201d in <\/span>their social, educational, and professional lives?<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nChapter 2: Literature Review<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\nKeepin\u2019 it <\/span>real: Personalizing school experiences for diverse learners to create harmony<\/span>. In an interesting parallel study representing a significantly different side of the teacher-<\/span>student spectrum than Gilmore\u2019s study (1985), Katz (1997) found a classroom culture <\/span>which embraced the individual cultures of marginalized students. Her study of teachers in the San Francisco and Washington, D.C. elementary school systems showed increased successful <\/span>outcomes through appreciation and empathy. Whereas teachers in Gilmore\u2019s study considered \u201cSteppin\u2019\u201d perverse and symbolic of sexual connotation; studies such as Katz (1997) and Garner <\/span>(1983) suggest the importance of ritual to communicate identity while celebrating the interconnectedness of the black community.<\/span>\r\n\r\nKatz (1997) goes on to note that though curriculum can serve as a great starting point for, it alone is not enough to build a more empathetic and aware classroom. Honest and genuine teacher interaction and involvement must also be present. Katz uses examples of Black History Month and Cinco De Mayo being listed on the school calendar or celebrated functions of curriculum not only creating a culturally celebratory environment, but also one which can empower teachers to interact with and become more familiar with other cultures (p. 497).<\/span>\r\n\r\nOutside of caring and showing concern for students, Katz also reported on \u201cBrokers\u201d as a <\/span>means to directly communicate with students who may be struggling. Rainbow Elementary provides these brokers in the form of a young black male, and a young Latina female who serve in connecting with students on interpersonal levels which connect to their interpersonal need for cultural and linguistic authenticity (p. 502).<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\n11<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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      \r\n\r\n12 Katz concludes while offering the consideration that though the forms of support<\/span>\r\n\r\nprovided by Buena Vista and Rainbow Elementary schools are not always easy for teachers, students, or parents, there is a general feeling amongst all which suggests empowerment through the promising avenues is having positive effects on student performance and educational integration (pp. 509-510).<\/span>\r\n\r\nGrammatical variation and divergence in vernacular Black English<\/span>. The idea of divergence in language characteristics over time is not something which should be considered new phenomenon; however, the described concept of language assimilation over time, especially regarding African American English, could be linked to similar interactions and perceptions of <\/span>teachers and community peers. Whereas Gilmore\u2019s <\/span>(1985) research suggested educators act as gatekeepers of further academic opportunity based on personal perception of student attitude; it could be conceivable student usage of African American English would deteriorate as they <\/span>mature due to the installation of ideas suggesting it is an inappropriate language. Rickford\u2019s expansion of a 1987 study in \u201c<\/span>grammatical variation and divergence in Vernacular Black <\/span>English\u201d <\/span>(1992) looks further into this possibility while citing statistics cultivated from interviews of African Americans from significantly different age demographics.<\/span>\r\n\r\nRickford compared the usage of 60-key African American English components between sample gro<\/span>ups ranging from age demographics of \u201cTeenager\u201d (age 14,15), \u201cMid Age\u201d (age 38,42) and \u201cOld Folk\u201d (age 88,76) (p. 179). Those six key components \u201cinvariant be\u201d, the absence of \u201cis\/are\u201d, absence of attributive <\/span>possessive -s, third singular, present tense -s, and the pural-s and past tense markings (p. 178), when compared to age demographic usage show a wide variety in disparity between groups.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
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      \r\n\r\n13 <\/span>Most notably of these differences, categories pertaining to absences of positive \u201c<\/span>-<\/span>s\u201d and<\/span>\r\n\r\nthe words <\/span>\u201cis\/are\u201d showed excessive usage for the Teenage group (averages of 85.5% and 70%) <\/span>which dropped dramatically for the Old Folk group (averages of 17% and 6.5%), respectively. Even more interestingly, what could be considered the most well-known component of Black <\/span>English, the invariant habitual \u201cbe\u201d was counted at 196 occurrences during interviews of the <\/span>Teenage subjects, with only one instance of usage for both Mid-Age and Old Folk subjects respectively (Table 1.1, p. 178).<\/span>\r\n\r\nThese results being known, Rick<\/span>ford\u2019s <\/span>(1992) study provide direct evidence highlighting primary components of African American English have been altered (or muted) to the point of veritable non-existence. This further implies a shift through the potential influence of outside <\/span>factors such as social pressure to conform or speak in a \u201ccorrect\u201d form of English. This article <\/span>and its included research were valuable finds in aiding towards confirmation that my original thoughts pertaining to Black English usage were indeed valid. While being paired with literature reviews in this thesis containing examples of black language or cultural identifiers being suppressed within elementary education, the consideration could be made suggesting suppression of African American English at a young age directly impacts the language usage of adults within the black community.<\/span>\r\n\r\nGimme room: School resistance, attitude and access to literacy<\/span>. <\/span>\u201c<\/span>Gimme Room\u201d: <\/span>School Resistance, Attitude, and Access to Literacy <\/span>further exemplify the perception of the introduction <\/span>of African American culture into the classroom. Gilmore\u2019s <\/span>(1985) research spanning three years in a low to moderate income school system highlights teacher and community <\/span>perception of student \u201cattitude\u201d in the classroom, while s<\/span>uggesting the potential lasting effects<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
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      \r\n\r\n14 these perceptions could have on the students. As it pertains to the conducted research, those<\/span>\r\n\r\nstudents who were deemed to have a \u201cbad attitude\u201d where not permitted into a special education initiative known as \u201cThe Academics Plus Program\u201d (p. 112). <\/span>The conversation surrounding <\/span>teacher perception of \u201cattitude\u201d and how it pertains to academic advancement became a valued <\/span>discussion point lending itself to the advance of this thesis research. Actions tied historically to culturally significant communications and portrayals of song and dance were viewed with negative connotation; despite showing a linguistic competence which was noticeably overlooked.<\/span>\r\n\r\nGilmore\u2019s <\/span>(1985) research identifies two specific components which play a part in how <\/span>the \u201cattitude\u201d of students are judged. African American boys are judged by the perception behind what Gilmore considers \u201cstylized sulking\u201d; whereas female students are looked down on for what is known as \u201cStepping.\u201d <\/span>Both of these activities within the black community can be attributed to historic evidence of African American slaves using the acts of sulking and group dance and song (also known as stepping) as a means of expressing themselves. Gilmore confirms this in his article while est<\/span>ablishing both forms as \u201ccultural variation of expression and communication\u201d <\/span>(p. 122).<\/span>\r\n\r\nIn summation, the art of sulking is a stylized approach to resistance through silence. In response to being reprimanded for acting out, students often sulk or pout in response to nonverbally address their displeasure and uncomfortable nature to the occurrence. Interestingly, these interactions received significant consideration at the perception of the teacher. Gilmore (1985) <\/span>notes this through noted examples such as \u201cAcceptable\u201d and \u201cUnacceptable\u201d silences <\/span>(p. 116) which include nonverbal cues an instructor defines as resistance, defiance, or acceptance. Gilmore notes the conflict of these interactions being equally related to a student feeling fear of<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
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      \r\n\r\n15<\/span>\r\n\r\nlosing face in front of peers while also responding to instructor prescribed validation of <\/span>emotional reaction. Gilmore points to this explaining an instance in which a teacher\u2019s response to <\/span>a disruptive student suggests and <\/span>attempt to \u201cinstruct all students of the correct e<\/span>motional <\/span>response\u201d <\/span>(p. 115).<\/span>\r\n\r\nMore closely related to the topic <\/span>of linguistic comprehension, \u201cStepping\u201d involves <\/span>rhythmic chants sung in unison while performing the dance moves corresponding to the letter being spelled. The example given in this research revolves around the spelling through song of <\/span>the word \u201cMississippi.\u201d <\/span>All girls dance together while spelling the word, upon one girl asking for <\/span>the floor through shouting \u201cGimme Room,\u201d <\/span>she performs the dance while using the letters of Mississippi to produce <\/span>the first lyric of each line in the song. Despite Gilmore\u2019s <\/span>(1985) research <\/span>suggesting stepping as something which was an active part of young girls\u2019 daily life in the community; stepping is reported by teachers to be \u201clewd\u201d, \u201cfresh\u201d, \u201cinappropriate for school\u201d, \u201cdisrespectful\u201d, and simply \u201ctoo sexual\u201d (p. 119). This due to the nature in which the dance <\/span>moves are performed and the unnatural movements of the body during the dance. Despite the labels of sexual appropriateness, stepping can also be viewed as a social inclusion vehicle as noted through students forming various groups with leadership hierarchy while competing against other neighborhood clubs. Some of these groups within the community are even sponsored by local youth programs or church groups. This consideration brought me to the point <\/span>of most interest in reading Gilmore\u2019s article. One which follows the theme of my research while <\/span>aiding me in refining the questions I wish to ask, and the information I wish to gain.<\/span>\r\n\r\n\u201cGimme Room\u201d highlights the act<\/span>ions demonstrated by children which have been long <\/span>proven as practices of communication, more narrowly \u201cblack\u201d communication. Whereas children<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n16 <\/span>cannot link the rationale of slaves \u201cstepping\u201d or singing in code as to not alert their masters; their<\/span>\r\n\r\npractice of chants and group dancing still is representation of not only cultural identity, but linguistic comprehension. Students who partake in these chants are showing the ability to rhyme or produce narrative statement within patterns of verbal and nonverbal communication. The production of statements and beginning signs of African American English mastery are also components displayed through the act of stepping. Instead of embracing these positive markers while using them to encourage language development, teachers described in this article withhold students from the additional educational opportunities of the Academics Plus Program, simply <\/span>for what teachers have constructed as a \u201cbad attitude.\u201d<\/span>\r\n\r\nThis article is important in further researching the idea suggesting even at a young age black culture, more specifically usage of black language, is viewed in negative light by those charged with the equal education and language development of students. Despite rationale and research supporting African American English Vernacular as its own fully capable dialect, the perception of gatekeepers empowered as teachers, instructors, and community leaders can often subjugate students toward prescribing to speaki<\/span>ng in \u201ccorrect\u201d forms of communication which lend themselves to Standard American English, or simply \u201cspeaking and acting white\u201d. <\/span>The research will show this sort of required cultural submission through linguistic oppression is not something specifically connected to African Americans. Various other cultural groups have experienced similar suppression of their own language and linguistic values and properties; furthering what we know as an incorrect stigma associating languages other than the standard with lesser forms of economic and educational success.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n17 <\/span>The African American elements in American English<\/span>. One point which can often be<\/span>\r\n\r\noverlooked while understanding the roots of African American English, is the fact that its origin was not within the United States. Dalby (1972) links African American English back to the western coast of Africa due to trade expeditions between European and African countries. Whereas several African cultures had their own unique and specific linguistic systems (Akan, Mandingo, etc.), Dalby suggests English comprehension allowed African traders to codeswitch as a means of protection from the less linguistically diverse European counterparts (p. 170). Even before the times of the African<\/span>\u2013<\/span>American slave trades, European English comprehension was vital to the success and preservation of African culture and society. Dalby suggests this sort of linguistic comprehension of African Americans historically points to the idea that intercultural communication has primarily fallen onto the shoulders of blacks (p. 170).<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe understanding of a West African melting pot of linguistic parity and protection should be noted as the potential starting point of what came to be known as African American English. Dalby supports this by referencing the potential dual heritage (p. 171) of American English due to both Europeans and Africans bringing their own English forms to the New World (p. 171). Interestingly, this information can point to similar efforts of cultural and linguistic protection through codeswitching over generations.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThroughout history, codeswitching has remained an integral function of African <\/span>American cultural preservation. In Dalby\u2019s word \u201cThe Black Americans have always had a <\/span>legitimate reason for concealing information from white peop<\/span>le\u201d (Dalby, 1972, p. 174). During <\/span>the generation of slavery, those speaking in mother tongue would be beaten, lashed, or otherwise punished; thus, African slaves developed code within the English language as keep their masters<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n18 oblivious to true intention, thoughts and emotions. Once these words were identified or decoded,<\/span>\r\n\r\nthey were immediately dropped from the vernacular.\r\nIn fast forwarding to future generations, similar gatekeeping and codeswitching can be<\/span>\r\n\r\nidentified in modern day African American English. Terms like <\/span>Homie <\/span>(friend), <\/span>Bet, <\/span>(agreement), <\/span>Hip <\/span>(aware), or <\/span>Jive <\/span>(dance), all move through the African American English vernacular and have been dropped since popularization by mainstream (white) society.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe language of soul<\/span>. <\/span>Brown\u2019s contribution to <\/span>Rappin\u2019 and Stylin\u2019 Out: Communication <\/span>in urban Black America <\/span>(Kochman, 1977) lend credence to the previously discussed references <\/span>of Dalby. The Chapter \u201cThe Language of Soul\u201d (Brown, 1977) reinforces the facts that black <\/span>slaves spoke in code to hide meanings of escape through metaphoric song, while also quickly discarding black language which has been picked up by the white community (p. 135). Where the generational gap begins to be noticed is that where black slaves hid meaning through codeswitching and dropping of identified terms, contemporary blacks protect word meaning for reasons dealing more with emotional authenticity of the usage. White pronunciation of soulful words or sounds of black vernacular would focus on accuracy of phonetic, rather than embracing <\/span>the \u201cspoken soul\u201d of the given word\u2019s <\/span>presentation.<\/span>\r\n\r\nBrown goes on to relate these feelings of soulful linguistic embrace to the word \u201cNigger,\u201d and the difference of its soulful counterpart \u201cNigga.\u201d <\/span>A word which is synonymous with hatred, bigotry, and oppression. One so guarded and wrought with judgment, I admit to it being difficult to simply write into this research paper. Brown provides this as the most extreme example of the reinforcement soullessness within verbal production can provide. When not phonetically pounced upon, the word is used within the black community while referring to one who has<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n19 embraced the rich history of soul, personal style, and celebration of being black (p. 134). When<\/span>\r\n\r\nused locally and with soul, the word can empower or reinforce a bond; yet through pronunciation and tone it can also oppress and belittle while further driving greater distance between the dual heritage of African American and European American English vernaculars.<\/span>\r\n\r\n\u201cI won\u2019t <\/span>learn from you<\/span>\u201d<\/span>. <\/span>In his series of essays, Herbert Kohl\u2019s \u201c<\/span>I Won\u2019t Learn from <\/span>You<\/span>\u201d (199<\/span>4<\/span>) offers insight into language learners\u2019 decision to \u201cnot<\/span>-<\/span>learn\u201d for a variety of reasons. <\/span>Kohl suggests several social or interpersonal conflicts which can play a part in a student making the decision to refuse education. One of these instances, Kohl suggests an education system <\/span>which could be considered \u201cmolded in a hostile society\u201d (p. 11). This notion directly supports the <\/span>previously discussed thoughts of Dr. Tatum regarding African American students feeling forced to decide between self-identity and group value versus learning from white instructors. Both articles referenced in this literature identify the challenges of identifying African American youth face as they <\/span>grow and develop. This is reaffirmed by Kohl suggestion \u201cto learn from a stranger who does not respect your integrity causes major loss of self\u201d (p. 16).<\/span>\r\n\r\nIt was Kohl\u2019s belief that \u201cnot<\/span>-<\/span>learning\u201d is an \u201cintellectual and social challenge\u201d (p. 10) <\/span>which requires a significant amount of work to reject or avoid even the most well-intentioned teaching strategies. He even admits to regrets the effects of making use of this strategy had in his <\/span>own life growing up in a Jewish family. This caused a \u201closs of culture\u201d <\/span>(p. 13) which still to this day creates a rift between the author and his culture.<\/span>\r\n\r\nFurthermore, purposely \u201cnot<\/span>-<\/span>learning\u201d can create additional difficulties for teachers and <\/span>institutions alike as it can challenge current educational development strategies and systems;<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n20 <\/span>which Kohl notes can consciously or subconsciously label a student as a \u201cmajor threat to the<\/span>\r\n\r\nentire system\u201d (p. 21).\r\n<\/span>Kohl elaborates further on this notion by describing an intelligent and well-spoken black<\/span>\r\n\r\nstudent named Akmir, who openly challenged classroom discussion and readings as being painted with a brush of black inferiority. Kohl even lends validation through comments <\/span>suggesting \u201cAkmir\u2019s not learning to speak or think in the racist way of his teachers was, for him, <\/span>a healthy response <\/span>to racism\u201d (p. 32)<\/span>. Despite the fact Kohl connected with Akmir by changing his approach to classroom discuss and reading requirement, Akmir still faced scrutiny and <\/span>difficulty from previous educators. \u201cHis diploma was withheld because his teachers felt he didn\u2019t show adequate \u201ccitizenship\u201d <\/span>in way of <\/span>being a part of society\u201d (p. 38). This roadblock would go on to prevent Akmir\u2019s access to a teaching position at City College. The rejection and fear of being labeled as a \u201cdraft dodger\u201d caused a downward spira<\/span>l which lead to a heroin overdose, and ultimately his death.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThrough these experiences and student interactions, Kohl admits to becoming more <\/span>aware of how literature or discussion can be overtly or latently racist; and to \u201cunlearning racist <\/span>and sexist language habits and trading them in for language <\/span>of inclusion\u201d (p. 34). This admission <\/span>eludes to another key point Kohl discusses in his work; that of being able to truly identify the <\/span>difference between \u201cnot<\/span>-<\/span>learning\u201d and failing.<\/span>\r\n\r\nWhereas Kohl\u2019s work paints a <\/span>picture of students choosing to not-learn for several reasons such as solidarity (p. 11); it also expresses the importance of the ability to identify <\/span>potential mismatches between \u201cwhat a learner wants to do and is able to do.\u201d <\/span>This sort of failure, especially for a young learner who is also discovering themselves and searching for an identity,<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n21 can affect motivation towards continuing to learn or bring about feelings of inferiority or<\/span>\r\n\r\ninadequacy.\r\n<\/span>Given Kohl\u2019s discussion of the pitfalls true failure in not <\/span>comprehending can have on a<\/span>\r\n\r\nstudent, it could be considered a potential gateway into a stance of \u201c<\/span>not-learning<\/span>.\u201d <\/span>Much as previous literature discussed has indicated, there is an obvious importance young learners place in their search for identity through social, cultural, and academic spaces. This is an important acknowledgment for this research, as it adds credibility to the consideration of a potential divide between learners and educators in way of language education and performance.<\/span>\r\n\r\nDissin\u2019 the <\/span>standard: Ebonics as guerilla warfare at Capital High<\/span>. <\/span>In reading \u201c<\/span>Dissin\u2019 \u201cthe Standard\u201d: Ebonics as Guerilla warfare at Capital High<\/span>\u201d (Fordham 1999), I found the <\/span>initial thread which built credence to my initial interest regarding the concept of the codeswitching between African American English and what is considered Standard American English within the African American Community. Grounded in research and interviews conducted over 2 years at Washington, <\/span>D.C.\u2019s Capital High School, Fordham\u2019s study <\/span>demonstrated rationale supporting a counter position to my own beginning at a significantly younger demographic. Whereas my initial thoughts regarding the usage codeswitching between AAE and SAE during adulthood could be keys to understanding the role of gatekeeping within<\/span>the black community; Fordham points toward the young black students\u2019 potential need to protect <\/span>their identity or their black identity, while using AAE as a way to reject SAE and the perceived racial inequality included within. (p. 273)<\/span>\r\n\r\nFordham points to Standard American English requirements of the Washington, D.C. school system as unintentionally fostering dissonance between black students and their<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n22 instructors; thus creating a feeling within black students that to be viewed as intelligent they<\/span>\r\n\r\nmust \u201cact white\u201d (p. 280). This concept and the perception of its execution being guided by other <\/span>white men, further solidifies the interpersonal need for cultural representation within the black <\/span>student. Simply put, if the perception is \u201cFor you to think I\u2019m smart, I have to speak like a white <\/span>person<\/span>\u2013then I\u2019ll do everything I can to NOT.\u201d Fordham goes on to echo beliefs suggesting resentment in the concept of \u201cacting white\u201d being deeply rooted in black history. A black person <\/span>acting white can be viewed disparagingly to the black community by removing their identity in <\/span>lieu of perceived power associated with sounding \u201cwhite\u201d (<\/span>p. 278).<\/span>\r\n\r\nDespite the abolishment of slavery in 1865, several occurrences in American history would point to many vehicles used to further subject African Americans to oppression. The common thought is that oppression was solely through tangible forms of discrimination such as Jim Crow laws or lack of union representation; however, those who have studied this race divide found even language selection played a factor in further dehumanizing and perpetuating false narratives of ignorance and inferiority. In summation, people who did not effectively share the same dialect as the affluent brokers of success in society, were associated with social and academic ineptitude (Holt, 1972). This left African Americans oppressed via stigma which reinforced the racist beliefs of generations past.<\/span>\r\n\r\nFordham uses this understanding in building logic to suggest African American students refuse to demonstrate mastery of Standard American English as an act of defiance; furthering this sentiment by suggesting avoidance of coursework or assignments they deem as trying to indoctrinate them into a white way of life. This gives students a sense of empowerment by allowing them to control their usage of Standard American English. Even if just borrowed during<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n23 school hours, the general thesis of this idea is that SAE and its associated oppressions will not<\/span>\r\n\r\nfurther perpetuate itself within this generation of black student.\r\n<\/span>Though the research presented in Fordham\u2019s article paints a different picture of the<\/span>\r\n\r\nrelationship between the young black community and Standard American English; it does add further consideration into my own research in understanding the perception of AAE usage within for adults in the black community, and their community discourse both internally and externally. In concluding this article, I understand that to truly paint an accurate picture in which to <\/span>understand my potential subjects\u2019 th<\/span>oughts towards African American English I must make consideration for the perception of Standard American English as well.<\/span>\r\n\r\nCrossing the line: Case studies of identity development in first generation college women<\/span>. Though the research conducted by Wentworth and Peterson (2001) specifically <\/span>discusses identity development of \u201cadult women of working<\/span>-<\/span>class background\u201d (p. 10); <\/span>justifications given in this research can directly tie back to multiple themes of identify<\/span>development and Dr. Tatum\u2019s discussion of domi<\/span>nant\/subordinate social classes (2017, p. 12). <\/span>Much as Tatum suggested, though the subjects of Wentworth\u2019s study were considered \u2018subordinate\u2019 given their respective gender and social statuses, all could also be considered part <\/span>of a dominant class given their status as white women. Wentworth supports this consideration through acknowledging social class is only one component of various hierarchy classifications (p. 19).<\/span>\r\n\r\nThough Wentworth\u2019s research focused on issues of social class, the discussion of iden<\/span>tity development is also an important theme when considering research pertaining to African American male perception of African American Vernacular English. Whereas AAVE could be a<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n24 native dialect in some black communities; personal and cultural identity based on what is<\/span>\r\n\r\nreported back through media and social interaction, could directly impact the perception of <\/span>language usage. Succinctly put, a child\u2019s journey of self<\/span>-awareness and personal development is influenced by considerations of their community, this would include personal thoughts on the appropriateness of their own dialectal choices.<\/span>\r\n\r\nAfrican-American perspective on Black English vernacular<\/span>. In discussing African American English, especially as a white male, I believe there remains a duty to add authenticity of this research, by further examining the current state of AAE within the black community. Speicher and McMahon<\/span>\u2019s <\/span>(1992) research provided this in spades, by adding perspective of <\/span>\u201cBEV\u201d (Black English Vernacular) through interviews which <\/span>solicited information pertaining directly to subject comprehension. Simply put, Speicher not only wanted to identify if black people could identify traits of African American English, but if the potential attitudes surrounding it (p. 403).<\/span>\r\n\r\nMost interesting in this article was the suggestion that portions of interviewed black subjects did not celebrate the creativity, origins, or artistic qualities of BEV (p. 403). In <\/span>summation, Speicher\u2019s research suggests the possibility that the black community feels <\/span>judgement <\/span>or \u201cscreening\u201d (p. 402) when communicating interracially. The most important caveat <\/span>in this suggestion is that all subjects interviewed in this study were part of language community within higher education. This implies a certain level of educational attainment which may have already survived an educational climate subconsciously disconnecting the black community from African American English.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n25 Though Speicher suggests all languages are created equal and should be treated as such,<\/span>\r\n\r\nshe also accepts the consideration that they are not. The difficulty for me in this reading is that while accepting this, she did interview subjects which already had passed through the educational system and were academically developed. Given my research and analysis of other studies, it could be considered that the subject responses containing a more extreme apathy towards BEV were in fact either codeswitching themselves or had genuinely had become disenfranchised with the suggestion that African American English can provide empowerment through attaching to the aforementioned soul and linguistic freedom for individualized expression.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe silenced dialogue: Power and <\/span>pedagogy in educating other people\u2019s children<\/span>. <\/span>The <\/span>concept of \u201ca correct way to speak\u201d is an idea which can be <\/span>debated to no seeming end. Regardless of cultural or socioeconomic background or upbringing, it would seem virtually all with interest in the discussion have an opinion. Delpit (1988) contributes to this discussion through association of language and education with power and political structure in what she <\/span>considers \u201cthe culture of power\u201d (p. 282). Delpit tackles this idea by outlining five key <\/span>components of power within a classroom; before transitioning into how these areas impact both instruction and perception of language.<\/span>\r\n\r\nIn summation, all diagnosed rules could feed into the same stigmatization described in previously referenced literature. Who has the power to decide what is normal, or how intelligent another is? Who holds the power of prescribing reading materials or lesson plans? There is a realization that this material or its accompanying instruction is primarily managed through the <\/span>Caucasian perspective. These suggestions tie directly into Delpit\u2019s fifth premise which<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n26 summarizes that people without power can identify its presence more so than those who actually<\/span>\r\n\r\nhave it (p. 283). This notion bares importance, tying directly to a thematic connection in this research. If white people control the direction of English instruction and the relative impact of <\/span>its importance, the \u201cright or wrong way to communicate\u201d takes a more factual demeanor in the <\/span>eyes of language learners.<\/span>\r\n\r\nDelpit (1988) supports this concept through comparison of interactions with learners between black mentors, adults or teachers and their white counterparts. These examples relate directness of requests, or commands, to the nature in which they are received or executed (pp. 283-285). Black students interviewed reported a more enriching learning environment when instructors were more direct and assertive, <\/span>because their \u201cauthority was earned\u201d (p. 290). This <\/span>idea ties directly back to <\/span>Delpit\u2019s original <\/span>suggestion of power. Students were less receptive to educational practices in which an instructor employed more vague or suggestive language. This sort of control mechanism seemed to contradict student thoughts towards power, tying directly <\/span>into the student questioning the teacher\u2019s motivation and true knowledge of the subject material <\/span>(p. 290). Succinctly put, if you are the teacher then you should teach with an authority that is being given by a student who recognizes the structure of power as it has been presented to them.<\/span>\r\n\r\nDelpit (1988) goes on discussing power as it pertains specifically to her five tenants; while offering the observation that only failure can result from any suggestion that the style in which a student talks or writes being irrelevant (p. 292). The author goes on to discuss the <\/span>importance of creating awareness for both the value of a language learner\u2019s natura<\/span>l communication coding style, and the actuality of authority and control in the United States educational system (p. 293). This described scenario is expounded on through analysis of a<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n27 Native Alaskan instructor explaining various language coding to student<\/span>s as having \u201cpicnics\u201d<\/span>\r\n\r\nversus \u201cformal dinners\u201d; a simile which I had onto this point never considered. One of the <\/span>prescribed styles is considered an easier and more enriching representative of true self, whereas the latter is considered useful in required settings.<\/span>\r\n\r\nEnacting an educational process of language development centered around such a perception can aid student development as academic English learners, while still honoring the importance and significance of their native cultural code. Furthermore, this sort of implementation could provide grounds for the preservation of a language style through supporting its place in the world.<\/span>\r\n\r\nRegardless of personal belief, this article serves valuable in review for this research as it helps to better define both where the suggested difficulties between AAVE and SAE and their instruction could arise in academic settings; while also demonstrating how creating space for cultural dialects or languages can begin to balance the power (or lack thereof) given to either.<\/span>\r\n\r\nAn important first step in researching scenarios in which a young African American male may find divergence between African American Vernacular English and the potential effects of these differences is to better understand the potential experiences of black males while developing into adults. This includes their perception of self as well as their perception of the world around them. Regardless of race, gender, or other defining human characteristics, it could be considered that we believe we are who we are because of what the world we surround ourselves with tells us. Experiencing significant bias based on race or social class, especially at an age of internal growth and development, can augment both our self and global perceptions. The following review of literature confirms developing young African Americans experience<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n28 significantly more bias than their white counterparts; while also signaling an inability in<\/span>\r\n\r\naddressing or empathizing with these challenging scenarios as an unintentional means of strengthening their grip on young African American development.<\/span>\r\n\r\nDr. Beverly Tatum (2017) supports this notion while likening racism to a \u201cmoving <\/span>walk way <\/span>at an airport\u201d (p. 11)<\/span>, suggesting that despite a passive presence on the belt, society and racism still move in the same direction. As a white male conducting this research, this was an <\/span>important metaphor to consider in reading Tatum\u2019s work covering the development of African Americans from adolescence to adulthood; especially in attempting to synthesize Dr. Tatum\u2019s<\/span>work which argues perception of self is defined through reflection and portrayal by media, news, teachers, and other influencers. Tatum would argue that though all races, religions, genders, and sexual orientations face this sort of classism thereby creating a dominant\/subordinate structure, African Americans are naturally forced into a sub-category of pre-identification. In summary, societally speaking white people, regardless of other class defining traits, do not have to address <\/span>the fact they are \u201cwhite,\u201d <\/span>whereas African Americans do.<\/span>\r\n\r\nTatum would argue the effects of the dominant\/subordinate class direction by explaining dominant classes considered as much due to the ease of accessibility to insight into its culture. For example, any American would have a significantly easier time locating mass media such as TV shows, movies, or news about white families, relationships, and people. Inherently regardless of other classes in which they could align (male\/female, Christian\/Jewish) white people and their traits could be considered the dominant culture. Furthermore, they are not affected by situations of subordinate classes. Tatum argues this sort of dynamic creates onus to preserve or enrich its own community for members of the subordinate class. At a young age this sort of division, latent<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nor intentional, can cause challenges on social, academic, and personal fronts as African American children struggle with self-identification.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nIn her third chapter Tatum (2017) points to adolescent African Americans coming to the realization their skin is different, and what those conversations look like with fellow students, <\/span>peers, and adults. Dr. Tatum points out race constancy doesn\u2019t develop in a black child until <\/span>approximately ages 6-7, thus until then the dominant culture has impacted youth to the point some express wanting to be white (p. 43).<\/span>\r\n\r\nEntering into a larger social populace of high schools, a developing African American\u2019s <\/span>are still processing this race differential. While struggling to do it alone peer groups are found and can provide a pillar in understanding (logical or illogical thoughts) and more importantly, finding acceptance. In doing so, young learners take on the beliefs and tones of the group. As base class association (dominant\/subordinate) is the central theme all students are struggling with, African-American students become more in tune with the thoughts and suggestion of those they surround themselves with. This can often time lead to underperformance in education or <\/span>academia due to a student\u2019s fear of \u201cacting white\u201d in front of a peer group that provides them <\/span>support structure while processing their feelings. Simply put, black students feel they risk being ostracized from a social group that welcomes them by associating with identifiers such as classroom activity and achievement commonly linked to white students through reinforcement of dominant culture.<\/span>\r\n\r\nA general inability to provide constructive solutions or truly empathize with struggles black students encounter, creates a significant barrier between these students and their previous <\/span>social pillars (such as white friends or mentors). As Tatum states \u201cWhen feelings, rational or<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n29<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n30 <\/span>irrational are invalidated, most people disengage\u201d (p. 59)<\/span>. This stresses the importance of<\/span>\r\n\r\nestablishing a positive peer group which can reinforce both the discovery of cultural identity and academic success.<\/span>\r\n\r\nIn conclusion, Dr. Tatum\u2019s work highlights the importance of developing a true <\/span>comprehension of the developing African American studen<\/span>t\u2019s struggle with identity. Though this <\/span>could seem a daunting challenge for any teacher or institution, creating an environment which enables self-discovery without the negative associations of dominant\/subordinate culture can play a direct role in unlocking academic performance and personal growth. One way in which directive could be furthered, is through removing the concept that one dialect version of English is superior to another.<\/span>\r\n\r\nLanguage in the inner city: Studies in Black English vernacular<\/span>. William <\/span>Labov\u2019s <\/span>(1975) research into the linguistic foundations and properties of Black English Vernacular lays considerable groundwork for not only the differences between BEV and Standard American English, but also provides insight into what could culturally be considered early studies and theories of the linguistic differences as a whole. Despite being published almost 50 years ago, <\/span>Labov\u2019s research was immensely helpful in identifying specific physical traits of the dialect <\/span>which aid in comparing and contrasting it between what is widely considered <\/span>its \u2018standard\u2019 <\/span>counterpart. Through identifying these components, significant resemblance can be found between the language usage demonstrated by gangs such as the Jets, Cobras, and Thunderbirds in <\/span>Labov\u2019s study, to <\/span>usage <\/span>of today\u2019s African Americans.<\/span>\r\n\r\nDue to the nature of this thesis research, it is of further interest to note the studies and <\/span>recommendations of \u201cDeficit Theory\u201d (Jensen, 1969) referenced in Labov\u2019s text which pointed<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n31 to linguistic behavior being a sign of genetic inferiority (p. 202). These sort of racially motivated<\/span>\r\n\r\ngeneralizations, though backed by research and data of the times, could provide a possible link between the negative stereotypes of BEV\/AAE in society being researched in this study. These sorts of findings could also point to the suppression and labeling of black language as a means of <\/span>further supporting what Labov considers the \u201ccaste system of American society\u201d (p. 204)<\/span>.<\/span>\r\n\r\nTraits such as the removal of \u201cL\u201d or \u201cR\u201d sounds in <\/span>demonstrate both similarities and differences of the linguistic properties between both Standard American English and African American English. Labov points to this by comparing the R-lessness of AAE to the Bostonian <\/span>\u201cYawkee\u201d accent. In summation Labov not<\/span>e that both vernaculars employ AAE employs this glided R sound, however AAE usage does so much more consistently compared to its Northeastern counterpart which only creates the sound when not followed by a vowel (p. 13) Another trait identified by Labov considered the simplification or weakening of final consonant <\/span>clusters, which can be heard in oral presentation of the words like \u201cPoor\u2013Poh\u201d or \u201cGuest\u2013Guess\u201d <\/span>(pp. 16-<\/span>18). Personally, I was reminded of the term \u201cAxe\u2013Ask\u201d which has been a point of <\/span>contention in several conversations I have shared while in the Midwest.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThough Jensen\u2019s research would argue these terms as examples of deficiency (Jensen, <\/span>1969), a sort of linguistic empowerment could also be argued. In contemporary art, songs like <\/span>\u201cPo\u2019 Folks\u201d (<\/span>Anthony, 2002) exemplify the weakening of final constant clusters while demonstrating linguistic freedom of bouncing between BEV and SAE.<\/span>\r\n\r\nLabov refutes Jensen\u2019s claims about inferior intelligence through a series of interviews <\/span>conducted with various African American subjects of varying age, educational, and socio- <\/span>economic backgrounds. The subjects, namely a child \u201cLeon,\u201d <\/span>a teenage gang member named<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n32 <\/span>\u201cLarry,\u201d and a college educated man named \u201cCharles\u201d (<\/span>pp. 206-220) show varying grasps and<\/span>\r\n\r\nusages of the BEV and SAE dialects. Whereas young Leon answers questions in a way which could be seen as providing answers which would keep him out of trouble, college-educated Charles covers illogical responses through repetition and restatement of his position in a collected and well-spoken dialogue. Interestingly, and a fair representation as to the importance of this research, 15-year-old Larry shows significant mastery of English by alternating between BEV and SAE in a discourse which is easy to follow in both conversational and dialogue (pp. 214-218).<\/span>\r\n\r\nWhat can be taken from Labov\u2019s research in these interviews is that mastery of Standar<\/span>d American English, as well as other factors such as appearance and temperance of language can <\/span>create a false representation of someone\u2019s intelligence. The teenage gang member interviewed by <\/span>Labov was direct and blunt, but his logic in explanation of a topic was much more coherent and showed a significantly more consistent grasp of the subject matter; whereas the older, more educated, and well-groomed counterpart was given more intellectual credit before even speaking. Labov even acknowledges this directly, stating:<\/span>\r\n\r\nThese two conversations are shown as models in which our preconceived notions of intelligence are weighted heavily by our interpersonal thoughts on the orator. Charles is <\/span>well groomed \u2018<\/span>likeable <\/span>and attractive\u2019 with more tempered and moderate lan<\/span>guage, so it could be considered he is educated and well spoken. However, his logic is masked through over statements padding or repeating of the main argument. (p. 218)<\/span>\r\n\r\nIn taking educational level and socio-economic status out of the equation in this research and simply noting the ages of the subjects, we see a black child who is afraid of getting in trouble<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n33 by providing the wrong answers to a white authority figure, a black teenager who is coming to<\/span>\r\n\r\ngrips with their fluency and identity while trying to display interpersonal comfortability and intelligence to the same, and finally an older man trying to use Standard American English as a means of attempting to appear educated on subject to a potential peer. This trajectory exemplifies the concepts being <\/span>researched in this thesis. I concluded Labov\u2019s work even more interested in <\/span>the consideration that between childhood and adulthood, African Americans may experience effects which alter their perception of Black English Vernacular\/African American English as an effective means of communication and adequately displaying their intellectual worth. It would <\/span>seem as if Jensen\u2019s claims of intellectual inferiority (1969) <\/span>where not tied to race, but into systematic reinforcement of negative perception and stereotypes.<\/span>\r\n\r\nIn summation, this literature review exhibits and reflects on research with the designation of better understanding the historic usage of African American Vernacular English as well as social factors which has impacted its perception amongst native speakers, or altered its growth and development. It is through development of this theoretical framework, that we can begin to compare researched literature to the thoughts and opinions of those interviewed for this study. Undertaking any cultural study as an outsider can require an amount of reflective or open analysis, allowing for considerations that existing power structures can meet (and potentially clash with) cultural need for identity and representation. These sorts of power struggles of language and cultural value are demonstrated while detailing what sort of challenges African American males can face in their search for educational and cultural equality. Employing research which validates cultural markers and needs helps to gain perspective before conducting of interviews; while providing more insight into why potential answers exist.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nLiterature reviewed for this research document also further examines the impact perception of power can have on young black males as they age through puberty; and the challenges presented intentionally (or unintentionally) through a social system geared towards dominant culture. As a counter to this position, additional literature was reviewed which demonstrated the antithesis of this notion; by integrating AAVE into classroom, black students actually became more invested into coursework.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n34<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n35<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nParticipants<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nChapter 3: Methodology<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nParticipants of this research will be comprised of African American males with a split within various age demographics. Target age demographic will consist African American males with ages ranging between the 20-32 and 32-55 demographic.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nData Collection\r\nDescription of data collection instruments. <\/span>Data collection instruments will include<\/span>\r\n\r\naudio recording devices (DAT Recorder) and audio\/video recording devices. During interview sessions, the researcher will employ use of writing material for notetaking and timestamping in order to more easily recall specific information pertinent to the research study.<\/span>\r\n\r\nSubject interviews will be conducted using included Interview Structure Guide to maintain questions stay targeted toward specific domains of academic experience and language perception.\r\n<\/span>Procedures<\/span>\r\n\r\nDuring the initial interview, subjects will be asked about their experiences with usage of African American English in both social and academic climates. Information will also be solicited from subjects in an attempt to identify when they began to notice differences<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nbetween African American English and Standard American English, and what sort of support was provided to reinforce any implied negative perceptions regarding the usage of African American English. Audio information from interview sessions will be collected, interpreted and analyzed utilizing Spra<\/span>dley\u2019s <\/span>outlined process of analyzing and uncovering potential domains and thematic connection (1979).<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n36<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nAnalysis Plan<\/span>\r\n\r\nCollected data will be analyzed through interpretation of recorded responses while specifically attempting to identify connections, correlations, or potential themes between established (primary) domains centered on the educational experience, personal thoughts on standard American English, and personal thoughts on codeswitching between African<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nAmerican English and Standard American English. These individual domains will be further investigated through a line of questioning which focuses on specific occurrences of both language use and subject perception of said usage. Though these aforementioned domains serve as a structure for drawing of connected themes, both the interview and coding process will allow for potential uncovering of additional domain or thematic connections.<\/span>\r\n\r\nRevision was made in analysis coding to allow for categorization and classification of childhood background. This was done as through the interview process, an apparent theme emerged pertaining to the potential effects integration or segregation have on perception of codeswitching. Subjects were asked to describe their childhood dynamic including school system, socioeconomic environment, and diversity of their community. These discussions lead to the need of establishing whether interview subjects could be considered as coming from two very distinctly different upbringings.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nInterviewees categorized as <\/span>\u201c<\/span>Homogenous<\/span>\u201d <\/span>are defined as those in which the subjects reported growing up in environments which were predominantly white, with limited engagement of varying socioeconomic climate. Simply put these subjects could be considered as developing within a more <\/span>\u201caffluent\u201d <\/span>structure, with limited experience to true cultural or<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nTable 1<\/span>\r\n\r\nSubject Profile Chart<\/span>\r\n\r\n1 LaKeith 37 3 Omari 28<\/span>\r\n\r\n5 Michael 35 7 Steven 30<\/span>\r\n\r\n9 Forest 34<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n\r\nReal Estate Director<\/span>\r\n\r\nMarket Development Rep <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>(CC)<\/span>\r\n\r\nSales Rep <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>(CC) Account Manager <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>(CC)<\/span>\r\n\r\nStore clerk - retail<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n\r\nM.A. B.S.<\/span>\r\n\r\nB.A. B.S.<\/span>\r\n\r\nH.S Diploma<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n\r\nHomogenous Homogenous<\/span>\r\n\r\nDiverse Homogenous<\/span>\r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n37<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\neconomic diversity. They are considered <\/span>\u201cHomogenous\u201d, <\/span>as their experiences relate directly back to the dominant culture as defined by Tatum (2017).<\/span>\r\n\r\nClassification terminology of <\/span>\u201c<\/span>Diverse<\/span>\u201d <\/span>is used to associate interview subjects with their recollections of childhood in a more diverse socioeconomic and cultural setting. This label is given to subjects who grew up attending public schools with a wide variety of cultures<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nand races; those <\/span>who\u2019s <\/span>social constructs did not match the student-teacher dynamic of academia. All profile information of interviewed test subjects is detailed in the chart below.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nSubject<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nPseudonym<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nAge<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nJob<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nEducation<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nClassification<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n2<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nJermaine<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n25<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nSales Rep <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>Call Center (CC)<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nB.A.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n4<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nTerry<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n33<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nReal Estate Agent<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nH.S. Diploma<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n6<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nDanny<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n42<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nOwner <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>retail store<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nM.B.A.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n8<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nDavid<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n27<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nMarket Development Rep <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>(CC)<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nB.S.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n10<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nPatton<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n35<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nSales Rep <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>(CC)<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nM.A.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
      		\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nHomogenous<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
      <\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nChapter 4: Results<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nHow do African-American males <\/span>(professionals?) use \u201cblack voice\u201d and \u201cwhite voice\u201d in <\/span>their social, educational, and professional lives?<\/span>\r\n\r\nOut of the 10 subjects interviewed for this research, all elaborated upon thoughts of style and code switching by sharing experiences which referenced a varying need of inclusion of self or others in a variety of settings. These summaries, as well as specific quotes and highlights of interview sessions, provide insight into the African American male perspective regarding African American English Vernacular usage by both African Americans and White Americans in academic, professional, and social environments.\r\n<\/span>Overall View of Languages<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n38<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nIs there a difference between Black and White Language<\/span>\r\n\r\nYes<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\"page39image28044336\"\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\nFigure 1<\/span>. Is there a difference between black and white language?\r\nSimilarities existed throughout all 10 of the interviewed research subjects in their opinion<\/span>\r\n\r\nof the existence of switching between African American Vernacular English and Standard American English within their lives. All 10 subjects reported understanding there was a way in which black people speak which is different from the way white people speak and admitted to <\/span>seeing no difference between specific terms of \u201cwhite voice\u201d or black voice\u201d , only recognizing a<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n
      \r\n\r\n39 difference between terms such as African American English Vernacular, Black English, Standard<\/span>\r\n\r\nAmerican English, and White English. To all subjects interviewed these terms were interchangeable as representation of the language <\/span>but were not representative of the terms \u201cblack voice\u201d or \u201cwhite voice.\u201d <\/span>The predominant theme amongst all interviewed was that black language included more a soulful (or relational) representation of language which connected to cultural value or experience; whereas white language was perceived as primarily as transactional, or for direction or specific communication such as completing a task. Amongst the 10, all associated Standard American English as a sort of Business Language which was either devoid of a need for cultural relevance, or had cultural relevance based on progressive needs of cultures <\/span>who were attempting to assimilate. \u201cMichael\u201d (Subject #2) went on record as stating his belief <\/span>that so many people study English to learn it for business, that Standard American English loses its cultural value (line 3).<\/span>\r\n
        \r\n \t
      1. 1 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cTo me, I think there\u2019s a way white people speak, but it\u2019s just \u201cStandard English\u201d, and<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
      2. 2 \u00a0<\/span>that is what is considered proper. That\u2019s why so many different countries have <\/span>learn<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
      3. 3 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cEnglish\u201d programs. It\u2019s about business and development to me, Standard English isn\u2019t<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
      4. 4 \u00a0really about culture or history.<\/span>\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
        \r\n
        \r\n
        \r\n\r\nDialect Preference<\/span>\r\n\r\nNo Prefence Situationally AAVE SAE Unsure<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\"page40image28067472\"\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
        \r\n
        \r\n\r\nFigure 2<\/span>. Dialect preference.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
        \r\n
        \r\n
        \r\n\r\n40 Even those subjects who would state they themselves had no true preference in a style of<\/span>\r\n\r\nlanguage usage regardless of the scenario, or suggested they never considered that they spoke differently than anyone else regardless of race, all identified unique holistic traits of the two referenced languages and their identifiers.<\/span>\r\n
          \r\n \t
        1. 5 \u00a0<\/span>\u201c<\/span>I think that there is way African Americans talk in their day to day conversations, it<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
        2. 6 \u00a0<\/span>tends to be more inferences and culturally based meaning the references drawn are from<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
        3. 7 \u00a0<\/span>cultural things that African Americans understand more and there isn\u2019t really a sound to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
        4. 8 \u00a0<\/span>me.\u201d \u201cLaKeith\u201d (Subject #1)<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nWhite People Style Switching to AAVE<\/span>\r\n\r\nAppropriating Condescending<\/span>\r\n\r\nFigure 3<\/span>. Interviewed subjects (collective) responses to white people using AAVE.\r\nOne area in which all subjects reported opinion, regardless of setting, pertained to the use<\/span>\r\n\r\nof AAVE by white people. Regardless of socioeconomic status, cultural community upbringing, or academic experience, all interviewed research subjects expressed opinions which spoke to the <\/span>user\u2019s authenticity, thoughts of appropriation, or both.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe use of AAVE by white people in a business setting was described by subjects using <\/span>terms such as \u201cunnecessary\u201d, \u201cfake\u201d, \u201c<\/span>unauthentic<\/span>\u201d, or \u201ccondescending\u201d. One subject described a time in which a direct supervisor used AAVE as a method of \u201cconnecting\u201d with African<\/span>- American e<\/span>mployees as a way to \u201crelate\u201d to them and inspire motivation. This interaction<\/span>, outlined below left <\/span>\u201cPatton\u201d (Subject #10), a successful call center sales representative, <\/span>feeling disenfranchised with the supervisor and their own position in the company. These results were<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\nSocial Setting<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
          		\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\nProfessional Setting<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\nInauthentic<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
          		\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\nInappropriate<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\nFalse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
          		\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\nUnnecessary<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n
          \r\n\r\n41 echoed in the realm of academia. Of the 7 subjects who reported instances of white authority<\/span>\r\n\r\nfigures using AAVE in academic environments, all expressed feelings of confusion or <\/span>disenfranchisement with the figure\u2019s attempt to connect on a p<\/span>ersonal level. These attempts were generally viewed as unauthentic as the attempts seemed to appear from nowhere and were not sustained long enough to build credibility or authenticity.<\/span>\r\n
            \r\n \t
          1. 9 \u00a0<\/span>Patton: \u201cA good example would be like, once I clo<\/span>sed this big deal and hit my monthly<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          2. 10 \u00a0<\/span>metrics. Now, keep in mind I\u2019m the only black guy on my specific sales team. We <\/span>having<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          3. 11 \u00a0<\/span>our monthly recap meeting, and boss <\/span>is like (sarcastically imitates white voice): \u201cWell<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          4. 12 \u00a0<\/span>(redacted), hit his number and so you know \u2018<\/span>dat <\/span>check is gone be ballin\u2019!\u201d I\u2019m just sitting<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          5. 13 \u00a0<\/span>there like, man I don\u2019t even talk like that in the office (laughs). Here you are doing it in<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          6. 14 \u00a0<\/span>front of a bunch of white coworkers because I\u2019m here. It\u2019s like unintentionally singling<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          7. 15 \u00a0<\/span>me out for being black when you <\/span>celebrating that I\u2019m good at my job<\/span>? Like hey, he did it<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          8. 16 \u00a0<\/span>\u2013and he\u2019s even BLACK!.. Then to everybody else, he <\/span>be like (sarcastically imitates white<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          9. 17 \u00a0<\/span>voice) \u201cGentlemen, Great job hitting your monthly metrics.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          10. 18 \u00a0<\/span>Interviewer: \u201cHow did that make you feel?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          11. 19 \u00a0<\/span>P: \u201cI mean, for real?\u201d C\u2019mon <\/span>(chuckles sarcastically) I spent enough time around white<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          12. 20 \u00a0<\/span>people growing up or my life to know when its real or fake. Shit like that is<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          13. 21 \u00a0<\/span>condescending, but you just deal with it. Whatever man, I\u2019m still getting paid and he ain\u2019t<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
          14. 22 \u00a0<\/span>mad <\/span>about making money either, you know? So we good. It\u2019s just unnecessary.\u201d<\/span>Further elaboration helped to better outline the majority of those interviewed and their<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nstandpoint of theoretical restrictions or credit is given towards white people codeswitching. <\/span>\u201cPatton\u201d clarified his position further, when I asked whether he would have better received the <\/span>interaction with his boss in a different environment.<\/span>\r\n
              \r\n \t
            1. 23 \u00a0<\/span>\u201c<\/span>No, I don\u2019t think so because I didn\u2019t know him like that. The first an<\/span>d longest standing<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
            2. 24 \u00a0<\/span>instance I know of this guy is that he\u2019s a sales manager who grew up in a nice<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
            3. 25 \u00a0<\/span>neighborhood with a nice college and stuff. You know? And that was supported with how<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
            4. 26 \u00a0<\/span>he talked to me in general business sense. That\u2019s the archetyp<\/span>e I have of the guy. So even<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
            5. 27 \u00a0<\/span>if we\u2019re out getting a beer, I feel like I\u2019m still expecting him to talk like hi<\/span>s self, or at least<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
            6. 28 \u00a0<\/span>what I know of who he is.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
              \r\n
              \r\n
              \r\n\r\n42 The theme of authenticity was predominant in discussion regarding white peopl<\/span>e\u2019s usage<\/span>\r\n\r\nof AAVE in social settings. All 10 subjects interviewed noted the importance of speaker<\/span>\r\n\r\nauthenticity. As one interviewee noted:<\/span>\r\n
                \r\n \t
              1. 29 \u00a0<\/span>\u201c<\/span>..<\/span>black language can\u2019t be borrowed. If it is a dialect someone is going to use, it has to be<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
              2. 30 \u00a0<\/span>for a reason. Like they grew up with it, or they\u2019re a part of an authentic black community<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
              3. 31 \u00a0<\/span>who uses it. Like if you got a lot of black friends, you start speaking like them over time,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
              4. 32 \u00a0<\/span>you don\u2019t just show up spitting slang.\u201d <\/span>\u201cLakeith\u201d (<\/span>Subject #1).<\/span>Even those subjects who professed to have grown up in a white community echoed this<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nsentiment; referencing the importance of authenticity in the white use of AAVE and its ability to connect in a deeper way within a social group.<\/span>\r\n
                  \r\n \t
                1. 33 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cI\u2019d like to think people speak how they are going to speak, because that\u2019s what I do or<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                2. 34 \u00a0<\/span>how I handle communication. But honestly, it\u2019s easy to identify those who are getting out<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                3. 35 \u00a0<\/span>of their comfort zone with their words. I never got it, man. Are you trying to fool me? Are<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                4. 36 \u00a0<\/span>you not comfortable with yourself or just not comfortable around me and my people?<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                5. 37 \u00a0<\/span>Why you tryin\u2019 so hard?\u201d \u201cOmari\u201d (Subject #3).<\/span>Interestingly, a common theme on the idea of white people using AAVE also emerged<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nfrom interviews of those classified as growing up in diverse cultural settings while experiencing <\/span>a sense of being \u201ctold\u201d the right way to speak was not to use AAVE. This sentiment was expressed succinctly by \u201cForest\u201d in a statement in which he wondered why white people would <\/span>try to use AAVE in any environment, especially if it were not authentic. This line of questioning was supported by experiences with white educators which perpetuated the notion of Standard American English as the most accurate and appropriate form of communication. His statements, which are further elaborated on in the Discussion section, reflect the statements of Delpit (1988) which summarize the tenants of power in pedagogy, acknowledging that whereas whites are<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                  \r\n
                  \r\n
                  \r\n\r\n43 most commonly in charge of academic decisions, materials, and direction; thus, the race retains<\/span>\r\n\r\nmost general power over multicultural students entering the educational system.<\/span>\r\n\r\nLanguage in Social Areas<\/span>\r\n\r\nSeveral similarities existed in the response of interviewed research subjects in the realm of using AAVE and SAE within social settings. Seven of the 10 subjects reported finding the use of AAVE within a social environment comprised of other African Americans to be substantially <\/span>more enriching. Those interviewed used terms such as \u201chonest\u201d, \u201cauthentic\u201d, and \u201creal\u201d in <\/span>describing the use of AAVE with other African-Americans. This is demonstrated and <\/span>exemplified especially in interviews with \u201cDavid\u201d (Subject #8) and \u201cJermaine\u201d when discussing <\/span>experiences of using different codes in social settings.<\/span>\r\n
                    \r\n \t
                  1. 38 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cHonestly, I can\u2019t say I notice any sort of codeswitch or whatever when I\u2019m in a social<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  2. 39 \u00a0<\/span>setting. For real I think it just happens when I\u2019m around friends or family<\/span>.. <\/span>my \u201cpeople\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  3. 40 \u00a0<\/span>you know.. Not even just \u201cmy black people\u201d, but like people who been knowing me for a<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  4. 41 \u00a0<\/span>while. <\/span>Like it feels \u201creal\u201d so to speak.. I don\u2019t know. Maybe that\u2019s the point of what you<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  5. 42 \u00a0<\/span>getting at? Like, I don\u2019t feel anyway about it, but I do feel certain ways or notice when I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  6. 43 \u00a0<\/span>feel like I have to talk white or proper at work or in public<\/span>.\u201d \u201cDavid\u201d (Subject #8)<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  7. 44 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cIt\u2019s kinda like what I said about when you callin\u2019 someone for work and you get<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  8. 45 \u00a0<\/span>comfortable and don\u2019t have to be all proper. Sometimes it\u2019<\/span>s good to just take it out and<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  9. 46 \u00a0<\/span>put the thought of having to speak a certain way, or even be aware of it, and just put it on<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  10. 47 \u00a0<\/span>the shelf, you kn<\/span>ow? Like decompress or just be authentic in where I\u2019m at. Out with my<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  11. 48 \u00a0<\/span>homies catchin <\/span>a game, or even just home with my fam, you know? It\u2019s like, real time, but<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  12. 49 \u00a0<\/span>I don\u2019t think I\u2019m even aware of it at the time, like.. I don\u2019t think about it, but being <\/span>asked<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  13. 50 \u00a0<\/span>that question, yeah man, I probably appreciate it more than I really think about.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                  14. 51 \u00a0<\/span>\u201c<\/span>Jermaine\u201d (Subject #2)<\/span>Two of the remaining subjects suggested they felt no difference in their use of language<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nand could not report on known code or style switching. This information will be referenced further in the discussion section; as it is of interest to note these reporting subjects were also those who reported being from communities <\/span>classified as \u201c<\/span>Homogenous<\/span>\u201d <\/span>(predominantly white).<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                    \r\n
                    \r\n
                    \r\n\r\n44 Interestingly, these thoughts felt more on par with considerations of Wentworth and Patterson<\/span>\r\n\r\n(2001) who, in summary, suggested the subjects of their study admitted to enduring similar struggles, but were unable to see subtle benefits they were afforded over their counterparts due to socioeconomic and racial influence. This concept will be elaborated on more completely in the discussion section; but succinctly explained here, the indications of feeling relatively oblivious can point to a lack of awareness of the various power or entitlement provided by growing up in a pre-dominantly white community.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe remaining outlier reported a direct need of confirming the social dialect used before fully contributing to conversations. Summarizing this statement, the subject found it best to gauge a social group before contributing, unless it was a pre-existing or familiar social circle. <\/span>This subject, \u201cSteven\u201d (subject #7) was also from a community classified for this research as \u201c<\/span>Homogenous<\/span>\u201d<\/span>.<\/span>\r\n
                      \r\n \t
                    1. 53 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cI know I said oh well language is just language and its about being able to <\/span>be<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    2. 54 \u00a0<\/span>communicate with people; but if <\/span>I\u2019m being honest \u2018<\/span>witchya I guess I do at least analyze<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    3. 55 \u00a0<\/span>the room when I\u2019m somewhere new or with new people. Like, more if it\u2019s black people I\u2019ll<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    4. 56 \u00a0<\/span>let them talk first.. But I guess the way I view that is that we speak different to different<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    5. 57 \u00a0<\/span>groups, right. Teachers talk different to students, friends talk different to coworkers.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    6. 58 \u00a0<\/span>People watch their words in front <\/span>of new people. (pause) I\u2019m saying I ain\u2019t gonna walk in<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    7. 59 \u00a0<\/span>and be all like \u2018sup nigga\u2019 <\/span>whaz <\/span>good, you know? But if I\u2019m with my friends, cuttin\u2019 up or<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                    8. 60 \u00a0<\/span>whatever, then yeah, that filter comes off because it\u2019s all love.\u201d \u201cSteven\u201d (subject #7)<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n\r\nLanguage in Academia<\/span>\r\n\r\nProper\r\nLike a white person\r\nRight way to speak to authority figures <\/span>Prove I\u2019m smart<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                      \r\n\r\nCorrectly\r\nLike an adult Polite\r\nJust the way you speak<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n\r\n45<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
                      		\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n\r\nHomogenous<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n\"page46image5007296\" \"page46image5005760\" \"page46image5008064\"\"page46image5007680\" \"page46image5009216\" \"page46image5008256\"\"page46image5009408\" \"page46image5008640\"\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n\r\nFigure 4<\/span>. Traits and phrases describing language correctness.\r\nDifferentiation of opinion occurred primarily through the connection of socioeconomic<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n\r\nbackground in childhood upbringing and experience in academia. Four of the subjects who took part in the research project did not recognize their answers as making a conscious choice to code or style switch. These same subjects directly identified as growing up in predominantly white upper-class communities (Homogenous), and thus never admitting to knowing a difference <\/span>between \u201cblack voice\u201d and \u201cwhite voice\u201d through their upbringing or in academia. Summation of their thoughts could be considered as \u201cnever having thought of making a decision to switch the way they spoke in various surroundings\u201d. Despite this theme and corresponding statement<\/span>s, all four of the interviewed subjects hailing from pre-dominantly white (Homogenous) communities <\/span>used the statement \u201cknew there was a right way to talk.\u201d This notion was thematically consistent <\/span>with the thoughts of the six remaining subjects which reported growing up in mixed or black communities of varying socioeconomic status; however, it did so with less reported conflict and<\/span>confrontation. In attempting to unpack more of \u201cthe right way to talk\u201d from subjects of the \u201c<\/span>Homogenous<\/span>\u201d <\/span>classification, I was able to uncover that many of these thoughts or stories were geared towards thoughts on manners or politeness, not actual grammatical rules or vernacular usage. Examples of these scenarios are expressed in the interview highlights below.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n
                      \r\n
                        \r\n \t
                      1. 61 \u00a0<\/span>Lakieth: \u201cI wouldn\u2019t say I had to consciously think about it or anything like that, like<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      2. 62 \u00a0<\/span>jumping into speaking proper or not because things were always \u201cproper\u201d, you know? I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      3. 63 \u00a0<\/span>learned how to speak just like, the same way any other kids did in my class<\/span>es.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      4. 64 \u00a0<\/span>Interviewer: \u201cbut to clarify, they were predominantly white, correct?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      5. 65 \u00a0<\/span>L: \u201cOh yeah, I mean like I said, I grew up in the suburbs... One of maybe 3 black<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      6. 66 \u00a0<\/span>families in my school... So you just talked the way people talked, and knew better than<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      7. 67 \u00a0<\/span>speaking any different.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      8. 68 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cWell, I\u2019d like to expand on that<\/span>. Can y<\/span>ou elaborate on \u201cknew better\u201d? Knew better<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                      9. 69 \u00a0<\/span>than what?\u201d<\/span>L: \u201cI mean, yeah I would talk with other kids and ta<\/span>lk lik<\/span>e kids talk, but I wasn\u2019t out there <\/span>cursing in front of teachers, or <\/span>not saying please and thank you, or using \u201cMs. or Mr. or Principal\u201d.. stuff like that.\u201d\r\nI: \u201cSo when you use a phrase like \u201cI knew better\u201d, you\u2019re referring more towards a use <\/span>of politeness?<\/span>L: \u201cFor sure, that\u2019d probably be a good way to put <\/span>it, yeah. Like, all people say please <\/span>and thank you, don\u2019t matter if you\u2019re a black kid or a white kid.\u201d<\/span>The remaining 6 subjects interviewed all reported scenarios in which a conscious effort<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nwas made to \u201cspeak correctly\u201d throughout their childhood and <\/span>experiences in academia. However, unlike those from the Homogenous classification, interview subjects from <\/span>\u201cDiverse\u201d <\/span>classification shared stories focusing more towards speaking or sounding like a white person. These subjects, from less affluent areas, all attended public schools of large diverse student <\/span>bodies. Classification or categorization of this group would be considered \u201c<\/span>Diverse<\/span>\u201d based on <\/span>explained methodology, as they faced a much larger and diverse intercultural and socioeconomic environment.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n\r\n47<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/colgroup>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n\r\nDiverse<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n
                        		\r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n\r\nHomogenous<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n
                        \"page48image27742480\" \"page48image27747856\" \"page48image27747184\" \"page48image27746288\"<\/td>\r\n\r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n\r\nConfrontations<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n\"page48image27748192\"\r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n\r\nUnsure Never<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div><\/td>\r\n<\/tr>\r\n<\/tbody>\r\n<\/table>\r\n
                        \r\n
                        \r\n\r\nFigure 5<\/span>. Direct reportable recollection of confrontations regarding language.\r\nNot considering extent of academic accomplishment for these 6 subjects from <\/span>\u201cDiverse\u201d<\/span>\r\n\r\ngrouping, <\/span>all shared a belief there was in fact a \u201cright way to speak\u201d due to instances including interaction with adults and authority figures specifically \u201cwhite\u201d authority figures suc<\/span>h as teachers, coaches, police officers, and mentors. This sentiment is elaborated in the discussion <\/span>below with \u201cForest\u201d (Subject <\/span>#9).<\/span>\r\n
                          \r\n \t
                        1. 77 \u00a0<\/span>Forest: \u201cMan there was this one time, and I don\u2019t even know why it sticks with me so<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        2. 78 \u00a0<\/span>long, you <\/span>know? I just remember havin\u2019 this teacher in like middle school 7<\/span>th<\/span>-8<\/span>th <\/span>grade<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        3. 79 \u00a0<\/span>something like that, ... and I don\u2019t even remember how it got on or what not, but it was<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        4. 80 \u00a0<\/span>about saying \u2018ain\u2019t got none.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        5. 81 \u00a0<\/span>Interviewer: \u201cLike a double negative?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        6. 82 \u00a0<\/span>F: \u201cYep, we were in class and it was like one of the first days, I had never even had the<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        7. 83 \u00a0<\/span>guy before. I just heard \u201cOh that ole white guy, <\/span>(redacted) <\/span>he an asshole\u201d and blah blah<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        8. 84 \u00a0<\/span>blah.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        9. 85 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cI don\u2019t mean to jump in here, because I definitely want to hear this sorry, but out of<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        10. 86 \u00a0<\/span>curiosity who was calling (redacted) an asshole? Like, other kids in your class? Other<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        11. 87 \u00a0<\/span>black kids? White kids?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        12. 88 \u00a0<\/span>F: \u201cI mean, most of my talk was withi<\/span>n my social group, so it was us black kids. Unless<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        13. 89 \u00a0<\/span>you could ball. He was a coach and the joke was like \u201cYo, <\/span>(redacted) think the only good<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                        14. 90 \u00a0<\/span>little nigga is one with a jump shot. Which looking back was dumb, <\/span>we we\u2019re <\/span>like 12 or<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                          \r\n
                          \r\n
                          \r\n\r\n48<\/span>\r\n
                            \r\n \t
                          1. 91 \u00a0<\/span>something?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          2. 92 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cgot it got it, okay, so back to this double negative thing.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          3. 93 \u00a0<\/span>F: \u201cRight, right, so I think I answered a question about topics for this project. He asked<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          4. 94 \u00a0<\/span>me direct <\/span>and said: I ain\u2019t got no idea. He just straight clowned on me for what fe<\/span>lt like<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          5. 95 \u00a0<\/span>forever. He\u2019s like up there, in front of the class being all like \u201cIf you AIN\u2019T got NO idea,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          6. 96 \u00a0<\/span>then you OBVIOUSLY got SOME ideas; so let\u2019s hear \u2018<\/span>em. And all the class is like,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          7. 97 \u00a0<\/span>snickering and shit, but he just went on and on with it like he wanted to embarrass me.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          8. 98 \u00a0<\/span>Then I\u2019m like, trying to bring it back and was like \u201cI <\/span>be <\/span>trying\u201d and he just chuckled like<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          9. 99 \u00a0<\/span>it was a joke. Over emphasizing <\/span>the use of \u201cbe\u201d like, saying \u201cWell if you ain\u2019t got no<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          10. 100 \u00a0<\/span>ideas, you best \u201cBE\u201d starting to find one.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          11. 101 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cWere you embarrassed?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          12. 102 \u00a0<\/span>F: \u201cWas that the point?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          13. 103 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cNo, I\u2019m sorry, let me rephrase. If you could go back to that moment and try to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          14. 104 \u00a0<\/span>remember the thoughts or feelings of it, for YOU as a kid. How you would describe it or<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          15. 105 \u00a0<\/span>what words would you use?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          16. 106 \u00a0<\/span>F: \u201cSmall, stupid.. Yeah, that\u2019s <\/span>how I<\/span>\u2019d put it. Like he wasn\u2019t going to teach TO me he<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          17. 107 \u00a0<\/span>wanted to teach ABOVE me, cause like in that moment, that\u2019s where the <\/span>other kids were.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          18. 108 \u00a0<\/span>Now that I\u2019m older and past it, it\u2019s like, I was just talking. I wasn\u2019t trying to be hard or<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          19. 109 \u00a0<\/span>anything. That\u2019s just how I talk.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          20. 110 \u00a0<\/span>I: To who? Parents? Other kids?<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          21. 111 \u00a0<\/span>F: Really at that point, anyone probably. I mean talking to my mom or on the bus, with<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          22. 112 \u00a0<\/span>my friends playing video games or what not. It always felt like that was fine and not like<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          23. 113 \u00a0<\/span>people didn\u2019t know what I was saying. Maybe that\u2019s why I remember it, because it was<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          24. 114 \u00a0<\/span>like the first time I was told, like, straight up by a teacher or anybody - <\/span>\u201cyo the way you<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                          25. 115 \u00a0<\/span>talk is fucked up.\u201d<\/span>Some of the subjects reported direct confrontation as a defining moment in which<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nconscious thought was put into employing Standard American English, whereas others mentioned declining grades and threats of being withheld from social programs such as school sponsored sports and academic programs. These sentiments and experiences matched almost directly those scenarios Gilmore (1985) discussed of students being withheld from social programs partially due to their linguistic performance and which English style they demonstrated.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThese discussions and themes also directly cross-referenced scenarios and research discussed by both Kohl (1994) and Fordham (1999) which highlighted students making a<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                            \r\n
                            \r\n
                            \r\n\r\n49 conscious effort to not learn because of interactions with instructors and explained how students<\/span>\r\n\r\ncould be withheld from academic or social benefit due to their language usage. This sort of <\/span>scenario \u201cForest\u201d explained is also validated several <\/span>times in Tatum (2017) through her <\/span>discussion of subordination versus domination, as well as the notion \u201c<\/span>When feelings, rational or <\/span>irrational are invalidated, most people disengage\u201d (p. 59). \u201cForest\u201d explains the overall <\/span>perception of the teacher in question within his peer group and would go on to express disengaging after this incident.<\/span>\r\n
                              \r\n \t
                            1. 116 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cI prolly didn\u2019t wanna learn from him, because he didn\u2019t wanna to teach me. I mean, I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            2. 117 \u00a0<\/span>was a kid, know what I mean? I prolly shut down in his classes more than I shoulda, but<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            3. 118 \u00a0<\/span>it wasn\u2019t like I was a <\/span>no good student or what not. I made it through and did what I had<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            4. 119 \u00a0<\/span>to.. That kinda became my deal I guess. If I met a white teacher or something that was<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            5. 120 \u00a0<\/span>\u2018hard\u2019 or I heard they didn\u2019t like blacks, I just shut up<\/span>, tried to speak like they spoke, and<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            6. 121 \u00a0<\/span>did my work, you know. Yessir Nossir, but it got me through. I just became second nature,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            7. 122 \u00a0<\/span>like, it\u2019s easier to just accept they is how you heard, and stay protected from any<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            8. 123 \u00a0<\/span>negativity by just talking \u2018proper\u2019 as they want you to.. <\/span>I got my diploma, I got a couple<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                            9. 124 \u00a0<\/span>jobs. I\u2019m making ends for me and my life.\u201d \u2013 \u201cForest\u201d (S<\/span>ubject #9)<\/span>The more Forest explained his side of the interaction and the lasting effects it had; it<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nbecame more and more apparent that these scenarios were infrequent because, in Forest\u2019s mind, <\/span>they had to be. When in the presence of those he considered authority figures with a stereotype of being racist (confirmed or supposed), Forest focused on speaking less, and using what he <\/span>thought \u201cthey\u201d would consider proper English (SAE). In doing so, this created less conflict and <\/span>made him feel safer, like less of a target for racism, in his school. Literature as far back as Delpit (1988) describes this scenario in talking of power structures and views. Directly related here, we see one of her tenants of power in play which summarizes that those without power can identify who controls it, much more than those who actually DO have the power (p. 283).<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                              \r\n
                              \r\n
                              \r\n\r\n50 The interesting parallel, which will be expounded on in the discussion section, is that all<\/span>\r\n\r\n10 of the subjects interviewed expressed agreement of both thoughts of a \u201cright way to talk\u201d and noted differences between AAVE and SAE; yet all who identified as being from \u201cwhite\u201d <\/span>communities claimed to not see a difference in the way they spoke regardless of setting while <\/span>considering the \u201cright way\u201d to be relating only to pol<\/span>iteness and etiquette. A topic that was <\/span>elaborated on by \u201cSteven\u201d (Subject #7), who was also from <\/span>predominantly white (Homogenous) classification.<\/span>\r\n
                                \r\n \t
                              1. 125 \u00a0<\/span>Steven: \u201cI can\u2019t remember a specific situation where I like, felt that I was in trouble f<\/span>or<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              2. 126 \u00a0<\/span>talking black or using African English; but I mean, I was kinda coached that way. Like, I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              3. 127 \u00a0<\/span>played sports and had a coach who would always tell me \u201cit\u2019s more important that<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              4. 128 \u00a0<\/span>people see the athlete and the student, not the color you tryna be,\u201d and I never really<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              5. 129 \u00a0<\/span>thought that meant \u201cdon\u2019t talk black\u201d but like, parts of that were about how <\/span>you talked to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              6. 130 \u00a0<\/span>people.. teammates, coaches, other team... you know?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              7. 131 \u00a0<\/span>Interviewer: \u201cInteresting, was he a black guy or a white guy?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              8. 132 \u00a0<\/span>Steven: \u201cHe was black. From the same community too if I remember right.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              9. 133 \u00a0<\/span>I: Looking back now, as an adult, does that statement mean the same thing that you may<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              10. 134 \u00a0<\/span>have thought it did at the time?<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              11. 135 \u00a0<\/span>S: \u201cI think so, maybe more like, refined? I guess.. What I\u2019m saying is like, I don\u2019t need to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              12. 136 \u00a0<\/span>prove my blackness through wo<\/span>rds, and I don\u2019t really need people to placate me... think I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              13. 137 \u00a0<\/span>need to hear them speak black to get me to relate to them. African English isn\u2019t a default<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              14. 138 \u00a0<\/span>to me, but I can\u2019t sit here and be like, Standard English is. I think it comes and goes<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              15. 139 \u00a0<\/span>bas<\/span>ed on scenario, and that\u2019s made me develop my own type of way to communicate.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              16. 140 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cSounds like you\u2019re saying you have developed your own language...\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              17. 141 \u00a0<\/span>S: (chuckles) \u201cNaw man, I guess I\u2019m saying that I don\u2019t consider the way I talk to be a<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              18. 142 \u00a0<\/span>specif<\/span>ic culture identifier as a black man... and <\/span>so <\/span>I don\u2019t think other people need to think<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                              19. 143 \u00a0<\/span>that way about how I talk either.\u201d<\/span>This sort of language style wasn\u2019t displayed for self<\/span>-preservation, it was seemingly just<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\ndone because it was <\/span>expected. \u201cSteven\u201d did <\/span>no<\/span>t associate his coach\u2019s directions as playing into <\/span>belief of a correct way to speak in a white community; rather he believed it was specifically relating to the traits of being a quality athlete, teammate, and student. Through my discussion with Steven, it could be considered that this sort of mantra has impacted his overall view of<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                \r\n
                                \r\n
                                \r\n\r\n51 communication style and perception of self. Contrary to these statements, their interviews would<\/span>\r\n\r\nlead to acknowledging this same difference between black and white voice in discussion of social interactions both interracially and otherwise.\r\n<\/span>Language in Professional Environments<\/span>\r\n\r\nProfessional environments were the area which caused the greatest amount of disparity between responses of interviewed subjects. The thoughts, observations, and described scenarios hinged greatly on the type of work being done. Of the 10 subjects interviewed, 5 held positions <\/span>which could be considered \u201cdirectly customer facing\u201d including telecommunicated or face to <\/span>face sales environments, 2 held managerial positions, and 1 worked in real estate. Whereas the <\/span>subject, \u201cTerry\u201d (Subject #4) <\/span>suggested he was often engaged through various networking and referral practices thus admitted to generally working with more African-American clients than white clients. He also mentioned feeling much more comfortable in using AAVE or just being comfortable with whichever dialect chosen because clients already had a pre-existing awareness of them and their career achievements due to previously described recommendations.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThose subjects working in call center sales environments reported a much different feeling of language or <\/span>dialectal choices. This notion was explained best by \u201cJermaine\u201d (Subject <\/span>#2) who stated:<\/span>\r\n
                                  \r\n \t
                                1. 144 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cThe first thing that people hear or know of me or my company is my voice... So I have to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                2. 145 \u00a0<\/span>think about it before even dialing the number, you kn<\/span>ow? If I\u2019m calling Mr. <\/span>X, I need to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                3. 146 \u00a0<\/span>have an idea of who Mr. X is and who he may be more interested in buying from,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                4. 147 \u00a0<\/span>especially if I\u2019m like, calling into Indiana or a small town in Kentucky.\u201d <\/span>\u201cJermaine\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                5. 148 \u00a0<\/span>(Subject #2)\r\nThis sentiment was echoed by all of those with experience in call centers, regardless of<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nacademic achievement, cultural orientation, or community upbringing. When initial engagement<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                  \r\n
                                  \r\n
                                  \r\n\r\n52 with someone in a professional environment is done without a support structure of referral or<\/span>\r\n\r\nexisting awareness; subjects were more inclined to speak in a professional manner which fell in line with the usage of Standard American English. Simply put, they made the choice to do so as a strategy which they believed lead to more success. This could go either direction, as subjects also admitted to switching to AAVE when calling into communities considered to be much more <\/span>urban, or if the contact\u2019s name considered \u201cblack\u201d. \u201cJermaine\u201d continued:<\/span>\r\n
                                    \r\n \t
                                  1. 149 \u00a0<\/span>\u201cIf I\u2019m calling and I look at a contact and it\u2019s a \u201cLequon\u201d or <\/span>like <\/span>\u201cTanisha\u201d <\/span>or<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                  2. 150 \u00a0<\/span>something, I can probably drop the show. It\u2019s easier to connect. Then I\u2019m all about<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                  3. 151 \u00a0<\/span>helping them to relax <\/span>and cutting it up... I mean, it\u2019s not like I\u2019m the token white voice on<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                  4. 152 \u00a0<\/span>the line. Man, I tell you it\u2019d surprise you to know how many black people hate it a little<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                  5. 153 \u00a0<\/span>less when a black telemarketer call. (laughs) it\u2019s like, shit I know that feeling too. I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                  6. 154 \u00a0<\/span>answer th<\/span>e phone like, aw shit that\u2019s just my <\/span>brotha <\/span>just doin\u2019 his job.\u201d \u2013 \u201cJermaine\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n150 <\/span>(Subject #2)<\/span>\r\n\r\nConversations like this demonstrate the power which comes with independent choice of style or codeswitching for professional gain. Though switching between dialects is a tool and a talent which can be refined and developed; the subjects also show a certain protection of the <\/span>language\u2019s authenticity. Whereas it felt inappropriate for some to be spoken to in AA<\/span>VE by white peers or supervisors professionally, switching between AAVE and SAE was a tool that<\/span>could be used while building a successful career. The excerpt of my interview with \u201cTerry\u201d <\/span>(Subject #4) expounds on this notion.<\/span>\r\n
                                      \r\n \t
                                    1. 156 \u00a0<\/span>Terry: \u201cI think, my experiences <\/span>in as a Realtor has definitely taught me things about how<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    2. 157 \u00a0<\/span>I use black or white language, or how other people use it on me. I get a lot of clients<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    3. 158 \u00a0<\/span>through referral, a lot of black clients because, well, that\u2019s who I just happened to build a<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    4. 159 \u00a0<\/span>n<\/span>etwork through... and a lot of <\/span>those referral business comes to me and they be saying<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    5. 160 \u00a0<\/span>\u201chey, so and so felt super comfortable with you and told us to look your way..\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    6. 161 \u00a0<\/span>Interviewer: \u201cWhy would you think that is?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    7. 162 \u00a0<\/span>T: \u201cHonestly? I think it\u2019s because <\/span>some home buyers can get overwhelmed. Especially<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    8. 163 \u00a0<\/span>African American home buyers because of all the stereotypes you know? The thought we<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                    9. 164 \u00a0<\/span>can\u2019t get a loan, or pay bills.. or that our houses won\u2019t sell.. and that can make this<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                      \r\n
                                      \r\n
                                      \r\n\r\n53<\/span>\r\n
                                        \r\n \t
                                      1. 169 \u00a0<\/span>T: \u201cBecause my clients, predominantly black, can trust me because I\u2019m authentic. At the<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                      2. 170 \u00a0<\/span>same point, I have a very polished and articulate dialogue I use when I speak with other<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                      3. 171 \u00a0<\/span>realtors or represent my clients, especially to white folk. (chuckles) For real I think I sell<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                      4. 172 \u00a0<\/span>more homes to black people because they know I can talk that \u201cwhite talk\u201d, and my <\/span>bosses<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                      5. 173 \u00a0<\/span>love me because I can \u201ctalk black\u201d and get that <\/span>business, so it<\/span>\u2019<\/span>s coming and g<\/span>oing.\u201d<\/span>The comfort level described by both \u201cTerry\u201d and \u201cJermaine\u201d is description echoed<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nthrough experiences shared by all subjects which were classified <\/span>as \u201cDiverse\u201d <\/span>due to a socioeconomically diverse upbringing. From building relationships with the goal of hitting metrics or establishing a network of contacts in a challenging market, to simply feeling comfortable in a place of work during a difficult day; there would appear to be positive reasons behind codeswitching while using AAVE as a black person in a professional setting. The opinion expressed in the interview highlighted below, relates back to research of Katz (1997) and Garner (1983) which both express the importance of ritual and speech pattern to communicate while celebrating cultural identity.<\/span>\r\n
                                          \r\n \t
                                        1. 174 \u00a0<\/span>Danny: \u201cThere was a time I worked at this greasy breakfast spot, right? And like,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        2. 175 \u00a0<\/span>literally every weekend we be <\/span>getting slammed by all the old folks comin\u2019 out of <\/span>church.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        3. 176 \u00a0<\/span>Which is fine, you know, get them they food and whatever, but let\u2019s be honest, <\/span>lot of white<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        4. 177 \u00a0<\/span>families. So when the rare black family came in, and I\u2019m runnin\u2019 all crazy like \u201cyes sir,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        5. 178 \u00a0<\/span>right away, I\u2019ll get you those pancakes.\u201d it was good to see a we<\/span>ll-dressed black man out<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        6. 179 \u00a0<\/span>with his family and be able to serve them. Like a change of pace. They stop me at some<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        7. 180 \u00a0<\/span>point and be like \u201chow you doin\u2019 my <\/span>brotha<\/span>, see you puttin\u2019 in that work, keep grindin\u2019<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        8. 181 \u00a0<\/span>young blood..\u201d Like, <\/span>respectin me doin th<\/span>is job and hustlin\u2019. felt good.. I mean it didn\u2019t<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        9. 182 \u00a0<\/span>happen a lot.. felt real or true though <\/span>\u2013 and that\u2019s what I remember <\/span>bout <\/span>it.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        10. 183 \u00a0<\/span>I:\u201cDid other customers (other white customers) ever compliment your work?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        11. 184 \u00a0<\/span>D: \u201cYeah, <\/span>brotha I was fast and good at my job. But when it came from a white guy it felt<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        12. 185 \u00a0<\/span>more mechanic or arbitrary. Like \u201coh you guys are so busy, must be making good tips\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        13. 186 \u00a0<\/span>or \u201ceverything was great, thank you\u201d or \u201cyou\u2019re good at your job\u201d.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        14. 187 \u00a0<\/span>I: How are those statements different?<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                        15. 188 \u00a0<\/span>D: I think because one is relating to me and my hustle, feeling like I know I ain\u2019t trying to<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                          \r\n
                                          \r\n
                                            \r\n \t
                                          1. 165 \u00a0<\/span>ocean of white real<\/span>tors just look like sharks. Maybe they think they\u2019re not going to get<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                          2. 166 \u00a0<\/span>shown good homes or if they\u2019re selling a home that it\u2019s going to sit because it\u2019ll be<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                          3. 167 \u00a0<\/span>tougher to sell.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                          4. 168 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cOk, so how does language help you with that?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                            \r\n
                                            \r\n
                                            \r\n\r\n54<\/span>\r\n
                                              \r\n \t
                                            1. 189 \u00a0<\/span>be here forever and I\u2019m doing the best I can now to succeed... and the other just feels like<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            2. 190 \u00a0<\/span>something you say to someone. I\u2019m good at my job? Thanks. I mean, it\u2019s serving<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            3. 191 \u00a0<\/span>pancakes bro, it ain\u2019t hard.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            4. 192 \u00a0<\/span>I: Right, so it felt impersonal or canned\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            5. 193 \u00a0<\/span>D: Yeah, that\u2019s a good way to put that. Like... you know when you walk by a person and<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            6. 194 \u00a0<\/span>you like just say \u201chow you doing?\u201d then walk by. You don\u2019t really want to know, you just<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            7. 195 \u00a0<\/span>say it to be pleasant. I\u2019d get bunches of compliments sure, just like you get bunches of<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            8. 196 \u00a0<\/span>\u201chave a good night\u201d, but it was the ones that related to me that I appreciated more.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            9. 197 \u00a0I: Just out of curiosity here, but, in your estimations, could a white family say that to<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            10. 198 \u00a0<\/span>you? What if a white guy said \u201cI see you grindin\u2019 young blood.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            11. 199 \u00a0<\/span>D: <\/span>You know what (pauses for reflection) No actually. It wouldn\u2019t mean the same unless I<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            12. 200 \u00a0<\/span>knew them. If it was just some 60 year old <\/span>white dude, I\u2019d be like \u2018what?\u2019 you know? You<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            13. 201 \u00a0<\/span>don\u2019t expect that person to talk that way so it\u2019s different.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            14. 202 \u00a0<\/span>I: If <\/span>they did, let\u2019s just say it happened. What\u2019s the first word that would come to your<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            15. 203 \u00a0<\/span>mind (presently) to describe that interaction?<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            16. 204 \u00a0<\/span>D: Condescending. Like, sorry man, enjoy your pancakes but gratuity in cash is a better<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                            17. 205 \u00a0<\/span>gesture, <\/span>you know?\u201d<\/span>Interestingly, \u201cDanny\u201d, who has moved on from restaurant life and now owns his own<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nretail store after earning an M.B.A., would go on to explain a scenario in which he did not appreciate the use of African American English. That when it is delivered in a form that can be considered overly aggressive.<\/span>\r\n
                                                \r\n \t
                                              1. 206 \u00a0<\/span>Danny: \u201cI guess I don\u2019t notice when I\u2019m fine with it, right? Feels normal, but I do notice<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              2. 207 \u00a0<\/span>it when its coming off more aggressive.. or like they putting on a show in my sto<\/span>re.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              3. 208 \u00a0<\/span>Interviewer: \u201cHow do you define aggressive in <\/span>retail <\/span>environment?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              4. 209 \u00a0<\/span>D: \u201cPeople that don\u2019t know me, or even those who do.. I mean, my shop is in (redacted)<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              5. 210 \u00a0<\/span>so we\u2019ve got a lot of gentrification of an area of (redacted) that\u2019s <\/span>becoming whiter,<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              6. 211 \u00a0<\/span>generally speaking. But we still got that halfway house, you know... and we right by the<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              7. 212 \u00a0<\/span>bus and train, so it can get... raw at times.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              8. 213 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cOkay, so you\u2019re saying your store can be diverse at times?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              9. 214 \u00a0<\/span>D: \u201cRight, that\u2019s good. So like, if a guy comes in and I have a store of white patrons just<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              10. 215 \u00a0<\/span>getting <\/span>off of work, they don\u2019t need to hear a guy spouting the \u2018n\u2019 word or associate me<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              11. 216 \u00a0<\/span>with it, even in a friendly way. You know, come in and walk up to the counter with thick<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              12. 217 \u00a0<\/span>black language... I feel like it separates me from my clientele.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              13. 218 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cGreat, so you think it\u2019s a tool or strategy of <\/span>sort? What kind of tool or device would<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              14. 219 \u00a0<\/span>you say it is, and why use it?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              15. 220 \u00a0<\/span>D: \u201cI think, it the wrong context it be like, using language to present. Like this isn\u2019t<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              16. 221 \u00a0<\/span>actual language, and we don\u2019t actually talk to each other like this... So you doin\u2019 that is<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                              17. 222 \u00a0<\/span>just for yourself to show you think you have power over the room... and maybe like by<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                \r\n
                                                \r\n
                                                \r\n\r\n55<\/span>\r\n
                                                  \r\n \t
                                                1. 223 \u00a0<\/span>refer<\/span>ring to me and trying to bring me into that dialogue, you\u2019re trying to present that<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                2. 224 \u00a0<\/span>power as if me <\/span>and you both got it...\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                3. 225 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cAnd in that scenario you don\u2019t want to acknowledge that power move?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                4. 226 \u00a0<\/span>D: \u201cNo, not at all.. I\u2019m like <\/span>brutha you got the wrong one. (laughs). I just people to come<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                5. 227 \u00a0<\/span>in, feel comfortable, and purchase stuff you know? You start making white people feel<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                6. 228 \u00a0<\/span>like they can\u2019t come in, ain\u2019t no different than makin\u2019 blacks feel <\/span>the same.<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                7. 229 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cWhat if it\u2019s all black people in the shop?\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                8. 230 \u00a0<\/span>D: I don\u2019t think that changes. I mean yeah, be you. Talk to me like you would, cut it up<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                9. 231 \u00a0<\/span>with me for a bit. It\u2019s all good you know, but still ain\u2019t gotta be aggressive or force others<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                10. 232 \u00a0<\/span>to hear your choice to be speaking that way. Yeah, it\u2019s great to see brothers out living in<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                11. 233 \u00a0<\/span>my community doing good, but ain\u2019t no need for a show, especially if we all respect<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                12. 234 \u00a0<\/span>eachother <\/span>as equal.\u201d<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                13. 235 \u00a0<\/span>I: \u201cSo am I right to say you think that s<\/span>ort of show or usage of black language is<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                14. 236 \u00a0<\/span>disrespectful? If so why would you suggest that?<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                15. 237 \u00a0<\/span>D: \u201cYeah, I think so. Talking black to me is about culture and respect to me as it is a way<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                16. 238 \u00a0<\/span>to speak. So like, it doesn\u2019t have to be thrown around to t<\/span>he point it sounds like a parody<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                17. 239 \u00a0<\/span>of itself.. We\u2019ve done well to preserve our culture in the (redacted) community. Stuff like<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                18. 240 \u00a0<\/span>that is counter-<\/span>productive.. also it\u2019s like, I see you brother. See me, and respect me just<\/span><\/li>\r\n \t
                                                19. 241 \u00a0<\/span>like that.\u201d<\/span>\u201cDanny\u201d brings up an interesting point which will be referenced further in the discussion<\/span><\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\nsection, but it ties into the previously reviewed literature suggesting the attempt of brokering for linguistic and cultural authenticity discussed by (Katz, 1997). Furthermore, this demonstrates an appreciation of African American Vernacular English as a cultural marker; one of which this subject agrees is a useful identifier of the soul and importance behind a language, confirming the statements and research of both Brown (1977) and Speicher and McMahon (1992).<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nChapter 5: Discussion<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nThe consideration of all responses of interviewed subjects demonstrates thematic consistency exists which allows room for elaboration and further discussion. These primary connections serve as the foundation in which to better understand the African American male perspective of codeswitching between AAVE and SAE as a whole. Thematic conclusions were drawn based on consistency in the understanding of the two unique dialects as communication forms. Connection was also found in reports of socioeconomic experiences and background, overall perception of white people using AAVE directly to African Americans, and the perceived need to codeswitch based on familiarity or status.<\/span>\r\n\r\nFurthermore, it attempts to better understand the original research question being: How do African American males use codeswitching in educational, social, and professional settings. In attempting this research while unpacking the time spent with these 10 research subjects, the challenge of addressing that specific question would become more and more evident. As the research data would indicate, driving interview questions were directed more towards specific situations; but responses were based more on interpersonal feeling, memory, and perception. Through time spent learning of the specific plights and opinions of the research subjects, more prevalent themes began to show themselves while demonstrating the impact had on these individuals.<\/span>\r\n\r\nSpeaking personally, I went into this research topic while trying to answer the question of <\/span>\u201chow\u201d; which I now feel can only be best understood through analysis of the underlying question. Simply put, my question of \u201chow\u201d turned into \u201cwhy\u201d. Through coding these interviews <\/span>and attempting to draw thematic <\/span>correlation, I now believe the \u201cwhy\u201d questions control the<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n56<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n57 <\/span>\u201chow\u201d questions of codeswitching. This is done through coloring the usage with hues slanted and<\/span>\r\n\r\nskewed by perceptions which were created and fostered through cultural experiences developed within their respectively differentiated communities. The reaction to interactions about AAVE and SAE language, and developed perceptions appear to be responsible for a large part of how the interview subjects use codeswitching as adults. In other words, the results discussed suggests the causality of how codeswitching is currently used can be found in how language usage was addressed with the subjects through a composite of social and academic experiences The biggest differentiatin<\/span>g factor was not \u201chow\u201d black males use codeswitching in professional, social, and <\/span>educational lives <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>but are they actually able to identify and articulate why they codeswitch, or the significance it may or may not have.<\/span>\r\n\r\nTo better comprehend this notion, the need to learn more about these specific situations became paramount. Meeting with the research subjects over time, I could not help but unpack their experiences compared to the literature I had reviewed. Without even identifying the sources, or sometimes even expressing knowledge of a potential theme, answers would fit directly into the considerations outlined in the literature review. Themes like the cultural importance of black language (Dalby, 1972; Tatum, 2017) resonated in the responses provided.<\/span>\r\n\r\nAs highlighted in the research section of this thesis, interviewed subjects\u2019 given opinions <\/span>regarding unique traits of African American Vernacular English were consistent. Subjects <\/span>shared opinions describing AAVE as a language of \u201cculture\u201d or \u201csoul\u201d which <\/span>Brown (1977) supported in his research generations ago. Furthermore, Brown summarized the perspective <\/span>suggesting black\u2019s viewed white people focused on phonetic accuracy in their attempts of using black language, often missing the true soul of the word\u2019s <\/span>usage and origin. This idea is also<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n58 <\/span>supported by interviewed subjects who admitted to viewing SAE as a \u201cbusiness language\u201d meant<\/span>\r\n\r\nfor communication of idea or need, not cultural connection. As a language teacher, I admit to being intrigued by these response<\/span>s, especially that of \u201cMichael\u201d regarding the matter. <\/span>Perception of AAVE and SAE<\/span>\r\n\r\nAs a language teacher completing my M.A degree and preparing to teach foreign students, I am aware of the false pretenses that surround language educators on an international level. I have also witnessed these linguistic stereotypes manifest themselves through employment <\/span>opportunities under the guise of what international companies may consider \u201cnative\u201d English. <\/span>I never considered the idea that the instruction being demanded (or given) in such a large scale could have sustaining impact on the both the perception of English development, or the language as a form of communication. Nor did I consider the idea that any sort of evolution of English language could happen due to the influence of non-native speakers. Simply put, the stereotypes <\/span>and perceptions behind international consideration of \u201cnative\u201d English could in fact further <\/span>stigmatize English against its various dialects. Meanwhile, the exact antithesis of this scenario has been a long-known part of African American Vernacular English and its evolution. As far back as Dalby (1972), the notion of other languages influencing AAVE was based on the perseverance of black culture and safety. African traders would codeswitch to keep European settlers from understanding true intent, and slaves would encode words to their own meaning as to discuss potential escape plans or situations they did not want their owners to become aware of. When this word began to become recognized, it was dropped from the vocabulary, as Dalby <\/span>noted \u201cBlack Americans have always had a legitimate reason for concealing information from white people.\u201d (p. 174). This could even be considered in popular culture, as we\u2019ve seen words<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n59 <\/span>such as \u201cdope\u201d (good) \u201cJive\u201d (dance) virtually vanish shortly after the generation the terms were<\/span>\r\n\r\nappropriated in began pushing them to the mainstream. Giving Dalby\u2019s words their due while <\/span>comparing them to my thoughts on the potential influences on SAE, it could be considered that AAVE is both maintained and evolved by its own culture.\r\n<\/span>Socioeconomic and Cultural Effects on Language Usage<\/span>\r\n\r\nOne notable area of interest pertained directly to the perception around a perceived requirement to switch dialects as students or young learners. To best understand the differing perspectives and consider how said opinions could have manifested, credence must be given to the roles socioeconomic status and educational background played. Of the 10 subjects interviewed 4 described childhood as growing up in more affluent neighborhoods, being one of very few black children in the neighborhood and attending what could be considered upper-class (Homogenous) school systems. The remaining research subjects all reported growing up in culturally diverse (Diverse) communities and school systems which were stated as lower on the socioeconomic ladder.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThese four subjects interviewed which identified growing up in white neighborhoods all shared a similar opinion which leads to contradictory answers in follow up questions. Simply put, all summarized that they did not <\/span>believe they \u201chad\u201d to codeswitch between African <\/span>American English and Standard American English, because there was effectually no right or wrong way to communicate; importance relied on the ability to manufacture and distribute language in a code which could be understood. These beliefs were reinforced through explanations in which language usage was instructed in ways that did not include conflict or result in direct self-evaluations. While analyzing these testimonials, I could not help but consider<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n60 <\/span>their correlation to Wenworth and Patterson\u2019s (2001) study on female college students with <\/span>varying degrees of socioeconomic and racial backgrounds. Summarizing their findings, the<\/span>\r\n\r\nresearch indicated that despite similar situations which could be considered \u201cdesperate\u201d, white females had recalled moments where they \u201ccaught a lucky break\u201d. They often had situations <\/span>where they could work out lease ar<\/span>rangements or didn\u2019t have to go through thorough background <\/span>checks for apartments, for example. Yes, there were different factors which lowered their status or social power level such as socioeconomic background, their gender, sexuality, being a single mother; but what counted in their favor was that they were white. This concept of power in society both as a whole and in academia specifically, was also considered in other discussed works by Tatum (2017) and Delpit (1988). This made me consider the notion that the segregation of socioeconomic factors while developing in an affluent social structure could feasibly cause a <\/span>level of obliviousness to certain scenarios of codeswitching. Going back to Tatum\u2019s<\/span>methodology in diagnosing power, this level of socioeconomic status during development (black male<\/span>\u2013<\/span>Homogenous v. black male<\/span>\u2013<\/span>Diverse) could have blinded some of the subjects to the subtle opportunities they were afforded; namely the opportunity to develop thoughts on language usage without fear of peril or reprisal. As a researcher, I cannot help but connect these dots while understanding them as important markers as to why the interviewed black males from<\/span>\u201c<\/span>Homogenous<\/span>\u201d classified <\/span>backgrounds largely struggled to express their complete thoughts and feelings on codeswitching; but still knew they felt something.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThis was expressed in later portions of interviews, where the same 4 subjects admitted to feeling different in scenarios which were more culturally diverse or they were surrounded by peers of similar race. These statements can be summarized as leaving the subjects feeling at ease<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n61 or more enriched by the surroundings or the conversations. As a college student who is also an instructor, one that has held professional positions before, I can understand and appreciate the<\/span>\r\n\r\nidea that it does feel \u2018easier\u2019 to talk to people in my social structure or peer group, who know me <\/span>as me <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>not as an educator or colleague. But this notion could be drilled into further if considering racial, cultural, or linguistic context. I could not help but connect the social classifications and academic experience to subjects being able to identify the specific reasons as to why they felt more at ease speaking in AAVE.<\/span>\r\n\r\nPerceived Importance of AAVE in Socioeconomically Diverse Communities<\/span>\r\n\r\nThis scenario was referenced by everyone interviewed, but those from communities <\/span>considered \u201c<\/span>Diverse<\/span>\u201d <\/span>were able to more fully explain why they felt this way. Based on data collected, a correlation could be made to a lack of a mentor confronting them about their language usage. More consideration or credence could be given to Tatum (2017) and the notion that black constancy does not develop in African-Americans until the age of 6 or 7, and thus the dominant culture has affected the child <\/span>\u2013 <\/span>considerably to the point they want to be white. Now, <\/span>I\u2019m not suggesting this is the case entirely, however this could be another factor supporting why <\/span>all four subjects classified into <\/span>\u201cHomogenous\u201d grouping <\/span>struggled to explain why it felt easier to connect using AAVE in an all-black environment. Further correlation could be associated with <\/span>Tatum\u2019s <\/span>(2017) statements on subordinate\/dominant culture that exists in young adult education social structures, when children first begin to discover who they are and compare it to the world around them. This includes taking on the opinions (logical or illogical) of the group they identify themselves with. In <\/span>\u201cHomogenous\u201d <\/span>communities, it should be noted that all subjects did not have a peer group which could be considered culturally diverse while they developed into maturity.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
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                                                  \r\n\r\n62 Their interactions and experiences had were based on largely white peer groups with largely<\/span>\r\n\r\nwhite teachers.\r\nThis sort of social grouping and power dynamic paints a starkly different picture as to<\/span>\r\n\r\nthat expressed by the interviewed subjects which were of classified <\/span>in \u201c<\/span>Diverse<\/span>\u201d. These students <\/span>shared stories of direct confrontations with instructors and peer groups and support structures that were largely African American. They were more influenced by an African American culture that was embraced in social contexts, as well as the thoughts and opinions of their identified peer group. When needing support after difficulties or confrontations such as described in the research, these students found support in other black students who were often dealing with (or had dealt with) similar struggles.<\/span>\r\n\r\nWhy these summations are important is because they directly oppose prior considerations of value in using AAVE as a cultural connection point. Restating this succinctly, all four subjects believed in the importance of AAVE as a cultural language but stated they did not agree on the <\/span>existence of a \u2018right or wrong\u2019 way to communi<\/span>cate. When questioned further on this discrepancy, those same 4 subjects stated varying accounts of not feeling pressured to codeswitch in educational<\/span>\u2013 because as one subject stated: \u201cthey knew better\u201d (subject #1). This <\/span>was a stark difference from the viewpoints and experiences shared in interviews of their research counterparts from lower income and more diverse communities.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe discussion and noted differences here can be linked directly back to Delpit (1988) and considerations of the five tenants of power within pedagogy. Namely, the concept that those who have power in academia (white people as being the primary source of instruction, direction, and instructional material) indicate and reinforce the direction or appropriateness of language,<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n63 intentionally or otherwise (p. 282). Delpit reinforces this concept, summarizing that those most<\/span>\r\n\r\nable <\/span>to view power structures are those who do not have any. (p. 283). Considering Delpit\u2019s <\/span>views and how they relate to the interviewed subject responses on this matter, correlation can be <\/span>found regarding subjects\u2019 feeling of empowerment based on socioeconomic background and its <\/span>related academic experience, the perception of power and how it is viewed by young learners, and the impact of personal perception of vernacular value. Simply put, based on interview data collected and researched material consideration could be made that a student is more apt to recognize power if they come from an environment which they feel they have none. The more affluent students recognized t<\/span>he power of instructors and \u201cknew better\u201d than to speak incorrectly; <\/span>but they conceivably found it less impactful because they were viewing the experiences from more empowered positions than their less affluent counterparts.<\/span>\r\n\r\n\u201c<\/span>Diverse<\/span>\u201d <\/span>student descriptions of these same occurrences were much more direct and specific. If certain peripheral information was forgotten in the years since the events occurred, memories still focused on feelings, statements, or parts of the interaction which have impacted not only <\/span>the student\u2019s thoughts on language, but also how it is used and who uses it. <\/span>Perception of White People using AAVE<\/span>\r\n\r\nConsidering reviewed literature and the discussion created through analyzing thematic consistency amongst researched subjects, results would indicate the perception of power as a <\/span>significant factor in the African American male\u2019s perception of white people\u2019s usage of AAVE. <\/span>Whereas <\/span>\u201c<\/span>Diverse<\/span>\u201d <\/span>subjects were more vocal in their descriptions of the codeswitching using <\/span>adjectives such as \u201ccondescending\u201d or \u201cunauthentic\u201d, those from communities <\/span>classified as<\/span>\u201c<\/span>Homogenous<\/span>\u201d used descriptors such as \u201cunnecessary\u201d. <\/span>Homogenous students grew up being<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n64 told more-or-less that speaking white was the key to success. These same students, as adults,<\/span>\r\n\r\nstruggle more so with white people using AAVE because it was the confrontational influence of white instructors and mentors which <\/span>shaped this perception. If it\u2019s so <\/span>wrong to talk like a black person, then why is my white colleague or boss doing so?\r\n<\/span>Restrictions and Limitations<\/span>\r\n\r\nThe most obvious limitation of this research study must be considered the sheer number of subjects interviewed. Though the 10 interviewed subjects paint an accurate picture of their experiences as individuals developing perception of language usage in diverse settings; it cannot be considered a complete representation of the entire African American position on the matter.<\/span>\r\n\r\nFurthermore, this research is limited in scope of employed positions held as it focuses more towards interactional employment of various sales positions. This step was done intentionally to focus more on positions which required specific skills of language and communication. Further consideration could be made as to the perception of language usage within other career fields, as well as developed perceptions in more refined socioeconomic classifications.<\/span>\r\n\r\nAnother limitation could be found in the varying environments in which interviews were conducted. As some interviews were conducted via online conferences, the extenuating <\/span>circumstances of the interviewee\u2019s environment could have determined the amount of focus <\/span>towards questions, or the general interest in partaking in the interview at any given moment. Though this could have been remedied through dedicating one uniform meeting environment to conduct all interviews; that step was not feasible due to proximity and time restrictions of both the interview candidates and the researcher.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n65 Limitation must be stated as the educational accomplishments of these research subjects<\/span>\r\n\r\nfalls far removed from traditional statistics of African American educational achievement percentages. This could cause differentiation in responses based on educational experience and collegiate completion, which suggests this research represents a smaller sample of the demographic.<\/span>\r\n\r\nFinally, limitations must be considered in the answers provided by interviewed subjects and the correlated subsequent results for multiple reasons. Firstly, I am willing to except the consideration that my status as a white male may have skewed answers provided by research subjects. As there is a level of gatekeeping or protection of language perception that has been discussed in this research; it is only fair to consider this sort of action lead to the providing of potentially limited or augmented responses. Secondly, research could be hindered by the fact that, regardless of socioeconomic scope, not all subjects were able to provide insight when prompted by interview questions. These sorts of omissions could play a part in the connection of thematic relevance among answers provided, thus further skewing both the data collected and subsequent thematic analysis.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nChapter 6: Conclusion<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nThrough researching the above literature, coding hours of interview data, and finding thematic correlation, it can be concluded that early influences of socioeconomic status, race, and power in social and academic settings can directly influence the perception adult African American males have pertaining to usage of African American Vernacular English and its usage; as well as influence their thoughts regarding codeswitching between AAVE and Standard American English.<\/span>\r\n\r\nInterviewed subjects leant thematic relevance to the notion that codeswitching in professional environments can have both positive and negative effects, situationally speaking. Interviewed subjects with relevant thought on the matter discussed occurrences where using AAVE or codeswitching to SAE helped them to win business or build professional relationships. Though not all of the subjects could actually express direct instances in which this happened, virtually all could identify or associate with the feelings they caused. Whereas using SAE would help build professional relatability; AAVE discourse, when used appropriately in a way that was socially and interpersonally aware, helped the employee to better relate black professionals to their black clients through cultural connection.<\/span>\r\n\r\nIn educational settings, the amount of codeswitching or rationale behind its usage relied heavily on interaction with mentors, fear of repercussions in academic or social life, and socioeconomic background. Again, in this instance it would seem as though effect or reprisal lead to decisions as to when codeswitching was needed. Regardless of socioeconomic (Diverse or Homogenous) status, there was a need for approval through speaking in whatever way was deemed correct. Though this was largely portrayed as speaking in SAE, it was perceived based<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n66<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n67 <\/span>on several factors ranging from \u201ccorrect\u201d or \u201cacademic\u201d to talking \u201clike a white person\u201d; and<\/span>\r\n\r\nwas a requirement to develop into a successful student or community member. Whether directly or indirectly, the choices of these students to employ codeswitching strategies was based largely on the extenuating circumstances and interpersonal decision to either relate to a community or peer group, or to succeed in a way that was prescribed. The creation of this sort of mentality could have last effects which demonstrate themselves in language production choices of African American males, continuing into adulthood and professional careers<\/span>\r\n\r\nAs expressed earlier in the discussion, social usage of AAVE seemed to resonate with all subjects interviewed. Some could explain them wholeheartedly, while others struggled to eloquently provide insight into their thoughts on the topic. Within social structures which would be considered culturally relevant (hanging out socially with other black people), the usage of AAVE was a natural communication pattern which tied back to shared cultural experiences. The black males interviewed primarily viewed codeswitching to SAE in this environment as more of an inclusionary tactic meant to welcome other cultures into community conversation; almost as a means of gatekeeping and creating a space for all to take part. The amount of codeswitching fluctuates based on awareness of the outside parties, and their connection to the group as a whole.<\/span>\r\n\r\nThis study has furthered my understanding of African American Vernacular English and how it has developed and impacted society. I conclude this research with a greater consciousness of how perceptions of dialect and language can form while having a significant and lasting impact and influence on how language users codeswitch. Though true comprehension and conclusion rests in the expansion of the study to a much larger scale; I do believe this thesis lays<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n68 the groundwork for greater awareness of how our interactions and perceptions of language, as<\/span>\r\n\r\neducators, can influence our students and colleagues of other cultures and races. The same who\u2019s <\/span>lives we aim to enrich with knowledge and empower with the ability to impact positive change on the world.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
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                                                  \r\n\r\n69<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
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                                                  \r\n\r\nReferences<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nAnthony, K. <\/span>R. (2001). Poa\u0302\u20acTM Folks [Recorded by Track Boyz]<\/span>. Performed by Nappy Roots. On <\/span>Watermelon, Chicken, and Gritz<\/span>. Atlanta, Georgia: Atlantic Records.<\/span>\r\n\r\nBrown, C. (1977). The language of soul. In T. Kochman (Ed.), <\/span>Rappin' and stylin' out: Communication in urban black America <\/span>(pp. 134-139). Urbana, IL: University of<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nIllinois Press.\r\nDalby, D. (1972). The African American elements in American English. In T. Kochman<\/span>\r\n\r\n(Ed.), <\/span>Rappin' and stylin' out: Communication in urban black America <\/span>(pp. 170-186). Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Preess<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nDelpit, L. (1988). The silenced dialogue: Power and pedagogy in educating other people's<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nchildren. <\/span>Harvard Educational Review<\/span>, <\/span>58<\/span>(3), 280-299. doi:10.17763\/haer.58.3. c43481778r528qw4\r\nFordham, S. (1999). Dissin' \"the standard\": Ebonics as guerrilla warfare at Capital High. <\/span>Anthropology & Education Quarterly,30<\/span>(3), 272-293.<\/span>\r\n\r\nFordham, S. (1999). Dissin' \"the standard\": Ebonics as guerrilla warfare at Capital High. <\/span>Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 30<\/span>(3), 272-293.<\/span>\r\n\r\nGarner, T. (1983). Playing the dozens: Folklore as strategies for living. <\/span>Quarterly Journal of Speech<\/span>, <\/span>69<\/span>(1), 47-57. doi:10.1080\/00335638309383634<\/span>\r\n\r\nGilmore, P. (1985). \u201cGimme room\u201d: School resistance, attitude, and access to literacy. <\/span>Journal of Education<\/span>, <\/span>167<\/span>(1), 111-128. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/002205748516700108<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
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                                                  \r\n\r\n70 Holt, G. S. (1972). \"Inversion\" in black communication. In T. Kochman (Ed.), Rappin' and<\/span>\r\n\r\nstylin' out: Communication in urban black America (pp. 152-159). Urbana: University of<\/span>\r\n\r\nIllinois Press.\r\nJensen, A. R. (1969). How much can we boost IQ and scholastic achievement? <\/span>Harvard<\/span>\r\n\r\nEducational Review<\/span>, Reprint Series, 2.\r\n<\/span>Katz, A. (1997). Keepin' it real: Personalizing school experiences for diverse learners to create<\/span>\r\n\r\nharmony and minimize interethnic conflict. <\/span>The Journal of Negro Education, 68<\/span>(4), 496- 510. doi:10.2307\/2668150<\/span>\r\n\r\nMinneapolis, MN: Milkweed Editions.\r\nLabov, W. (1975). <\/span>Language in the Inner city: Studies in the black English vernacular<\/span>.<\/span>\r\n\r\nPhiladelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.\r\nRickford, J. R. (1992). Grammatical variation and divergence in vernacular black English.<\/span>\r\n\r\nInternal and External Factors in Syntactic Change<\/span>, pp. 175-193.<\/span>\r\n\r\ndoi:10.1515\/9783110886047.175\r\nSpradley, J. P. (1979). <\/span>The ethnographic interview<\/span>. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Group\u2013Thomson<\/span>\r\n\r\nLearning.\r\nSpeicher, B., & McMahon, S. M. (1992). Some African-American perspectives on Black<\/span>\r\n\r\nEnglish vernacular. <\/span>Language in Society, 21<\/span>(3), 383-407.\r\nWentworth, P., & Peterson, B. (2001). Crossing the line: Case studies of identity development<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nKochman, T. (Ed.). (1977). <\/span>Rappin' and stylin' out: Communication in urban black America. <\/span>Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
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                                                  \r\n\r\nKohl, H. R. (1994). <\/span>I won't learn from you: And other thoughts on creative maladjustment<\/span>.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\nin first generation college women. <\/span>Journal of Adult Development<\/span>, <\/span>8<\/span>(1), 9-21.\r\nTatum, B. D. (2017). <\/span>Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria?: And other<\/span>\r\n\r\nconversations about race<\/span>. New York, NY: Basic Books.<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n
                                                  \r\n
                                                  \r\n\r\n71<\/span>\r\n\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>\r\n<\/div>","rendered":"
                                                  \n

                                                  Sorry to Bother You – the perception of code-switching among African American males<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n

                                                  Joseph Bukowski<\/strong><\/a> Follow<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  Date of Award\u00a0<\/span>5-2019<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  \n

                                                  Culminating Project Type\u00a0Thesis<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n
                                                  \n

                                                  Degree Name English: Teaching English as a Second Language: M.A.<\/h4>\n<\/div>\n
                                                  Department\u00a0<\/span>English<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  College\u00a0<\/span>College of Liberal Arts<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  First Advisor\u00a0<\/span>James Robinson\u00a0<\/span>Second Advisor\u00a0<\/span>Michael Schwartz\u00a0<\/span>Third Advisor\u00a0<\/span>Christopher Lehman<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  Creative Commons License<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  \n

                                                  \"Creative<\/a>
                                                  \nThis work is licensed under a                                                   Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  Keywords and Subject Headings<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  \n

                                                  codeswitching, language, standard english, black language<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  Abstract<\/span><\/div>\n
                                                  \n

                                                  This paper explores the African American male perception of codeswitching between African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and Standard American English (SAE) within varying social, academic, and professional environments. This research is collected through interviews with 10 subjects from varying socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, while attempting to better understand how these perceptions were potentially created and reinforced through social and academic experience; while also attempting connection between these experiences and subject\u2019s awareness of the presence of their own codeswitching as adults. This paper classifies subjects into two distinct groups based on socioeconomic and academic upbringing, identifying subjects from dominant culture (Tatum, 2017) as \u201cHomogenous\u201d and those from more ethnically diverse backgrounds as \u201cDiverse\u201d to more easily identify different experiences which could be associated to differentiated upbringings.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n

                                                  Recommended Citation<\/h4>\n

                                                  Bukowski, Joseph, “Sorry to Bother You – the perception of code-switching among African American males” (2019). Culminating Projects in TESL<\/em>. 4.
                                                  \nhttps:\/\/repository.stcloudstate.edu\/tesl_etds\/4<\/p>\n

                                                  \n
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                                                  St. Cloud State University<\/p>\n

                                                  theRepository at St. Cloud State
                                                  \nCulminating Projects in TESL Department of English<\/p>\n

                                                  5-2019<\/p>\n

                                                  Sorry to Bother You – the perception of code-switching among African American males<\/p>\n

                                                  Joseph Bukowski<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n
                                                  \n

                                                  Follow this and additional works at: https:\/\/repository.stcloudstate.edu\/tesl_etds<\/p>\n

                                                  Recommended Citation
                                                  \nBukowski, Joseph, “Sorry to Bother You – the perception of code-switching among African American males” (2019). Culminating Projects in TESL. 4.
                                                  \nhttps:\/\/repository.stcloudstate.edu\/tesl_etds\/4<\/p>\n

                                                  This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of English at theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culminating Projects in TESL by an authorized administrator of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact rswexelbaum@stcloudstate.edu.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n
                                                  \n
                                                  \n

                                                  Sorry to Bother You: The African American Male Perspective on Codeswitching<\/p>\n

                                                  by
                                                  \nJoseph Bukowski<\/p>\n

                                                  A Thesis
                                                  \nSubmitted to the Graduate Faculty of
                                                  \nSt. Cloud State University
                                                  \nin Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
                                                  \nfor the Degree
                                                  \nMaster of Arts in
                                                  \nEnglish: Teaching English as a Second Language<\/p>\n

                                                  May, 2019<\/p>\n

                                                  Thesis Committee: James Robinson, Chairperson Michael Schwartz Christopher Lehman<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n
                                                  \n
                                                  \n

                                                  Abstract<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n
                                                  \n

                                                  2<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n
                                                  \n
                                                  \n
                                                  \n

                                                  This paper explores the African American male perception of codeswitching between African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and Standard American English (SAE) within varying social, academic, and professional environments. This research is collected through interviews with 10 subjects from varying socioeconomic and educational backgrounds, while attempting to better understand how these perceptions were potentially created and reinforced through social and academic experience; while also attempting connection between these experiences and subject\u2019s awareness of the presence of their own codeswitching as adults. This paper classifies subjects into two distinct groups based on socioeconomic and academic<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                  \n
                                                  \n
                                                  \n

                                                  upbringing, identifying subjects from dominant culture (Tatum, 2017) as \u201cHomogenous\u201d and those from more ethnically diverse backgrounds as \u201cDiverse\u201d to more easily identify different experiences which could be associated to differentiated upbringings.<\/p>\n

                                                  Keywords: African-American Vernacular English, AAVE, Ebonics, Standard American English, SAE, codeswitching, dialect, dominant culture<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n
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                                                  Table of Contents<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                  \n
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                                                  Page List of Table …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5 List of Figures ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 6<\/p>\n

                                                  Chapter<\/p>\n

                                                    \n
                                                  1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………… 7Problem Statement …………………………………………………………………………….. 9Research Question …………………………………………………………………………….. 10<\/li>\n
                                                  2. Literature Review …………………………………………………………………………………… 11<\/li>\n
                                                  3. Methodology ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 35Participants ………………………………………………………………………………………. 35 Data Collection …………………………………………………………………………………. 35 Procedures ………………………………………………………………………………………… 35 Analysis Plan ……………………………………………………………………………………. 36<\/li>\n
                                                  4. Results ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 38 Overall View of Languages ………………………………………………………………… 38 White People Style Switching to AAVE ……………………………………………….. 40 Language in Social Areas …………………………………………………………………… 43 Language in Academia ………………………………………………………………………. 45 Language in Professional Environments ……………………………………………….. 51<\/li>\n
                                                  5. Discussion ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 56 Perception of AA VE and SAE …………………………………………………………….. 58<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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                                                    3<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                    4<\/p>\n

                                                    Chapter Page Socioeconomic and Cultural Effects on Language Usage ……………………….. 59 Perceived Importance of AAVE in Socioeconomically Diverse<\/p>\n

                                                    Communities ………………………………………………………………………………. 61 Perception of White People using AAVE ……………………………………………… 63 Restrictions and Limitations ……………………………………………………………….. 64<\/p>\n

                                                    6. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 66 References ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 69<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                    List of Table<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                    Table Page 1. Subject Profile Chart ………………………………………………………………………………. 37<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                    5<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                    List of Figures<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                    \n
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                                                    Figure<\/p>\n

                                                      \n
                                                    1. Is there a difference between black and white language? ……………………………… 38<\/li>\n
                                                    2. Dialect preference …………………………………………………………………………………… 39<\/li>\n
                                                    3. Interviewed subjects (collective) responses to white people using AAVE ………. 40<\/li>\n
                                                    4. Traits and phrases describing language correctness …………………………………….. 45<\/li>\n
                                                    5. Direct reportable recollection of confrontations regarding language ………………. 47<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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                                                      7<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n
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                                                      Chapter 1: Introduction<\/p>\n

                                                      At its core, language can be broken down simply as a set of regularly structured sounds and patterns with defined meanings associated with these sounds. Though there are obviously several forms of oral languages, the term \u201cdialect\u201d specifically attaches to the assume different variations of these similar sounds and patterns belonging within the same language system<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

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                                                      (Speicher & McMahon, 1992, p. 383). This leads to the obvious assumption then that dialect, sharing the same linguistic properties of its origin language, could be considered with the same regard for its capability of producing the goals, needs, thoughts, or emotions of its producer. However, it is within these forms of various dialects and language variants which negative connotations or perspectives begin to attach themselves. Thus, contributing to stereotypes furthering labels and misrepresentation of speaker intelligence, motivation, and intention.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Regarding the English language, or moreover American English specifically, these variants can be labeled as \u201cstreet talk\u201d, \u201cghetto slang\u201d, or \u201chillbilly speak\u201d; often perpetuating a further negative connotation supporting ideas suggesting producers of these dialects are inferior to that of those who cast judgment. The perpetuation of these false narratives can create borders to specific educational and personal achievement, while embedding negative thoughts towards the linguistic form within the origin community as well. Understanding this concept, as both linguistic researchers and instructors serving as gatekeepers of the English Language, we must ask ourselves: What effects can this sort of labeling or linguistic hierarchy have on both perception of self, as well as the perception of native language usage on a speaker of this dialect? Moreover, what impact can these stereotypes have on the language or dialect itself?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      8 The African American English Vernacular (AAVE) has always been of interest to me, for<\/p>\n

                                                      these same considerations. As a young white student growing up in small-town Wisconsin, the negative perceptions of AAVE were fully displayed by teachers and other peers throughout the community. A key to succeeding not just in academia, but in life, was to master Standard American English. There was no exception to the matter, and those who did not were simply judged as uneducated or disinterested in bettering themselves. For example, the use of double- negatives was considered lazy by instructors, and the few African American students in our town were pigeonholed as underachievers.<\/p>\n

                                                      After growing into adulthood and enriching my life away from the narrow minds of small-town Wisconsin, my life began to fill with a greater multicultural presence of several variations of dialect, including African American Vernacular English (AAVE). Through continued experiences and conversations, I began to better understand the linguistic value within differing cultures. As my own comprehension of various language and dialectal forms increased, so did a genuine curiosity regarding the usage of AAVE within the black community. I noticed several instances in which black colleagues would seemingly codeswitch between implementations of both African American Vernacular English and Standard American English, notably based on their personal comfort level with the surroundings and audience. As a student, researcher, and educator or the English language, I became increasingly interested in understanding why this codeswitching within English dialects occurred cross-culturally. Yes, there is a time and place for proper dialect usage versus slag, such as in an office or classroom; however, these settings represent only a small portion of the codeswitching internally and externally I personally witnessed within the black community. Restating that all languages are<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      9 theoretically created equal; is there an apprehension or negative connotation built into the native<\/p>\n

                                                      usage of African American English in the United States? It is the collection of these memories, conversations, and questions which have inspired the research included in this document. Simply put, it is the goal of this document to better understand if the exposure to (and reinforcement of) these negative stereotypes at a young age has impacted African American\u2019s comfort level with the language itself. Furthermore, this research has been conducted to discuss if this potential linguistic discrimination causes African American males to understand the developed skill of codeswitching as a requirement rather than a choice in the realm of social acceptance and success in the United States.<\/p>\n

                                                      Problem Statement<\/p>\n

                                                      It is my belief that racial tension is engrained in the United States. This tension is fueled by misinformation, misrepresentation, and a lack of comprehension of other cultural needs for representation and expression. Though there are several various cultures and forms of dialect within the United States, an echoing stereotype persists stating that we are all similar as \u201cAmericans.\u201d In making that assumption, I believe we lose sight of the various cultural intricacies that must be understood and supported on an intercultural level.<\/p>\n

                                                      This research intends to examine dialect codeswitching and its place in the dynamic of interracial communication outwardly from the African American male community. Furthermore, this research aims to discover if the black community considers these efforts successful in cultural preservation or representation of African American English dialect as a class of prestige.<\/p>\n

                                                      I am convinced the African American males are linguistically oppressed due to negative stereotypes and underserving of instructors or mentors within academia. Furthermore, it is my<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      10 theory that these negative associations with African American Vernacular English create the<\/p>\n

                                                      perception of codeswitching between African American English and Standard American English as a requirement for entry into what could be considered a demonstration of a successful life as an American adult. To truly grasp and understand this idea, research was conducted into the history of African American origins, as well as its and development through time. In developing this comprehension, further research into the historic usage of the language aided in confirming the distinct linguistic differences between African American English and what is considered Standard American English. Finally, identifying these linguistic and cultural differences through literature review will help to add reader context in the discussion of linguistic inequality and methods of linguistic oppression.<\/p>\n

                                                      Research Question<\/p>\n

                                                      How do African-American males (professionals?) use \u201cblack voice\u201d and \u201cwhite voice\u201d in their social, educational, and professional lives?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      Chapter 2: Literature Review<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      Keepin\u2019 it real: Personalizing school experiences for diverse learners to create harmony. In an interesting parallel study representing a significantly different side of the teacher-student spectrum than Gilmore\u2019s study (1985), Katz (1997) found a classroom culture which embraced the individual cultures of marginalized students. Her study of teachers in the San Francisco and Washington, D.C. elementary school systems showed increased successful outcomes through appreciation and empathy. Whereas teachers in Gilmore\u2019s study considered \u201cSteppin\u2019\u201d perverse and symbolic of sexual connotation; studies such as Katz (1997) and Garner (1983) suggest the importance of ritual to communicate identity while celebrating the interconnectedness of the black community.<\/p>\n

                                                      Katz (1997) goes on to note that though curriculum can serve as a great starting point for, it alone is not enough to build a more empathetic and aware classroom. Honest and genuine teacher interaction and involvement must also be present. Katz uses examples of Black History Month and Cinco De Mayo being listed on the school calendar or celebrated functions of curriculum not only creating a culturally celebratory environment, but also one which can empower teachers to interact with and become more familiar with other cultures (p. 497).<\/p>\n

                                                      Outside of caring and showing concern for students, Katz also reported on \u201cBrokers\u201d as a means to directly communicate with students who may be struggling. Rainbow Elementary provides these brokers in the form of a young black male, and a young Latina female who serve in connecting with students on interpersonal levels which connect to their interpersonal need for cultural and linguistic authenticity (p. 502).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      11<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      12 Katz concludes while offering the consideration that though the forms of support<\/p>\n

                                                      provided by Buena Vista and Rainbow Elementary schools are not always easy for teachers, students, or parents, there is a general feeling amongst all which suggests empowerment through the promising avenues is having positive effects on student performance and educational integration (pp. 509-510).<\/p>\n

                                                      Grammatical variation and divergence in vernacular Black English. The idea of divergence in language characteristics over time is not something which should be considered new phenomenon; however, the described concept of language assimilation over time, especially regarding African American English, could be linked to similar interactions and perceptions of teachers and community peers. Whereas Gilmore\u2019s (1985) research suggested educators act as gatekeepers of further academic opportunity based on personal perception of student attitude; it could be conceivable student usage of African American English would deteriorate as they mature due to the installation of ideas suggesting it is an inappropriate language. Rickford\u2019s expansion of a 1987 study in \u201cgrammatical variation and divergence in Vernacular Black English\u201d (1992) looks further into this possibility while citing statistics cultivated from interviews of African Americans from significantly different age demographics.<\/p>\n

                                                      Rickford compared the usage of 60-key African American English components between sample groups ranging from age demographics of \u201cTeenager\u201d (age 14,15), \u201cMid Age\u201d (age 38,42) and \u201cOld Folk\u201d (age 88,76) (p. 179). Those six key components \u201cinvariant be\u201d, the absence of \u201cis\/are\u201d, absence of attributive possessive -s, third singular, present tense -s, and the pural-s and past tense markings (p. 178), when compared to age demographic usage show a wide variety in disparity between groups.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      13 Most notably of these differences, categories pertaining to absences of positive \u201c–s\u201d and<\/p>\n

                                                      the words \u201cis\/are\u201d showed excessive usage for the Teenage group (averages of 85.5% and 70%) which dropped dramatically for the Old Folk group (averages of 17% and 6.5%), respectively. Even more interestingly, what could be considered the most well-known component of Black English, the invariant habitual \u201cbe\u201d was counted at 196 occurrences during interviews of the Teenage subjects, with only one instance of usage for both Mid-Age and Old Folk subjects respectively (Table 1.1, p. 178).<\/p>\n

                                                      These results being known, Rickford\u2019s (1992) study provide direct evidence highlighting primary components of African American English have been altered (or muted) to the point of veritable non-existence. This further implies a shift through the potential influence of outside factors such as social pressure to conform or speak in a \u201ccorrect\u201d form of English. This article and its included research were valuable finds in aiding towards confirmation that my original thoughts pertaining to Black English usage were indeed valid. While being paired with literature reviews in this thesis containing examples of black language or cultural identifiers being suppressed within elementary education, the consideration could be made suggesting suppression of African American English at a young age directly impacts the language usage of adults within the black community.<\/p>\n

                                                      Gimme room: School resistance, attitude and access to literacy. \u201cGimme Room\u201d: School Resistance, Attitude, and Access to Literacy further exemplify the perception of the introduction of African American culture into the classroom. Gilmore\u2019s (1985) research spanning three years in a low to moderate income school system highlights teacher and community perception of student \u201cattitude\u201d in the classroom, while suggesting the potential lasting effects<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      \n

                                                      14 these perceptions could have on the students. As it pertains to the conducted research, those<\/p>\n

                                                      students who were deemed to have a \u201cbad attitude\u201d where not permitted into a special education initiative known as \u201cThe Academics Plus Program\u201d (p. 112). The conversation surrounding teacher perception of \u201cattitude\u201d and how it pertains to academic advancement became a valued discussion point lending itself to the advance of this thesis research. Actions tied historically to culturally significant communications and portrayals of song and dance were viewed with negative connotation; despite showing a linguistic competence which was noticeably overlooked.<\/p>\n

                                                      Gilmore\u2019s (1985) research identifies two specific components which play a part in how the \u201cattitude\u201d of students are judged. African American boys are judged by the perception behind what Gilmore considers \u201cstylized sulking\u201d; whereas female students are looked down on for what is known as \u201cStepping.\u201d Both of these activities within the black community can be attributed to historic evidence of African American slaves using the acts of sulking and group dance and song (also known as stepping) as a means of expressing themselves. Gilmore confirms this in his article while establishing both forms as \u201ccultural variation of expression and communication\u201d (p. 122).<\/p>\n

                                                      In summation, the art of sulking is a stylized approach to resistance through silence. In response to being reprimanded for acting out, students often sulk or pout in response to nonverbally address their displeasure and uncomfortable nature to the occurrence. Interestingly, these interactions received significant consideration at the perception of the teacher. Gilmore (1985) notes this through noted examples such as \u201cAcceptable\u201d and \u201cUnacceptable\u201d silences (p. 116) which include nonverbal cues an instructor defines as resistance, defiance, or acceptance. Gilmore notes the conflict of these interactions being equally related to a student feeling fear of<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      15<\/p>\n

                                                      losing face in front of peers while also responding to instructor prescribed validation of emotional reaction. Gilmore points to this explaining an instance in which a teacher\u2019s response to a disruptive student suggests and attempt to \u201cinstruct all students of the correct emotional response\u201d (p. 115).<\/p>\n

                                                      More closely related to the topic of linguistic comprehension, \u201cStepping\u201d involves rhythmic chants sung in unison while performing the dance moves corresponding to the letter being spelled. The example given in this research revolves around the spelling through song of the word \u201cMississippi.\u201d All girls dance together while spelling the word, upon one girl asking for the floor through shouting \u201cGimme Room,\u201d she performs the dance while using the letters of Mississippi to produce the first lyric of each line in the song. Despite Gilmore\u2019s (1985) research suggesting stepping as something which was an active part of young girls\u2019 daily life in the community; stepping is reported by teachers to be \u201clewd\u201d, \u201cfresh\u201d, \u201cinappropriate for school\u201d, \u201cdisrespectful\u201d, and simply \u201ctoo sexual\u201d (p. 119). This due to the nature in which the dance moves are performed and the unnatural movements of the body during the dance. Despite the labels of sexual appropriateness, stepping can also be viewed as a social inclusion vehicle as noted through students forming various groups with leadership hierarchy while competing against other neighborhood clubs. Some of these groups within the community are even sponsored by local youth programs or church groups. This consideration brought me to the point of most interest in reading Gilmore\u2019s article. One which follows the theme of my research while aiding me in refining the questions I wish to ask, and the information I wish to gain.<\/p>\n

                                                      \u201cGimme Room\u201d highlights the actions demonstrated by children which have been long proven as practices of communication, more narrowly \u201cblack\u201d communication. Whereas children<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      16 cannot link the rationale of slaves \u201cstepping\u201d or singing in code as to not alert their masters; their<\/p>\n

                                                      practice of chants and group dancing still is representation of not only cultural identity, but linguistic comprehension. Students who partake in these chants are showing the ability to rhyme or produce narrative statement within patterns of verbal and nonverbal communication. The production of statements and beginning signs of African American English mastery are also components displayed through the act of stepping. Instead of embracing these positive markers while using them to encourage language development, teachers described in this article withhold students from the additional educational opportunities of the Academics Plus Program, simply for what teachers have constructed as a \u201cbad attitude.\u201d<\/p>\n

                                                      This article is important in further researching the idea suggesting even at a young age black culture, more specifically usage of black language, is viewed in negative light by those charged with the equal education and language development of students. Despite rationale and research supporting African American English Vernacular as its own fully capable dialect, the perception of gatekeepers empowered as teachers, instructors, and community leaders can often subjugate students toward prescribing to speaking in \u201ccorrect\u201d forms of communication which lend themselves to Standard American English, or simply \u201cspeaking and acting white\u201d. The research will show this sort of required cultural submission through linguistic oppression is not something specifically connected to African Americans. Various other cultural groups have experienced similar suppression of their own language and linguistic values and properties; furthering what we know as an incorrect stigma associating languages other than the standard with lesser forms of economic and educational success.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
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                                                      17 The African American elements in American English. One point which can often be<\/p>\n

                                                      overlooked while understanding the roots of African American English, is the fact that its origin was not within the United States. Dalby (1972) links African American English back to the western coast of Africa due to trade expeditions between European and African countries. Whereas several African cultures had their own unique and specific linguistic systems (Akan, Mandingo, etc.), Dalby suggests English comprehension allowed African traders to codeswitch as a means of protection from the less linguistically diverse European counterparts (p. 170). Even before the times of the African\u2013American slave trades, European English comprehension was vital to the success and preservation of African culture and society. Dalby suggests this sort of linguistic comprehension of African Americans historically points to the idea that intercultural communication has primarily fallen onto the shoulders of blacks (p. 170).<\/p>\n

                                                      The understanding of a West African melting pot of linguistic parity and protection should be noted as the potential starting point of what came to be known as African American English. Dalby supports this by referencing the potential dual heritage (p. 171) of American English due to both Europeans and Africans bringing their own English forms to the New World (p. 171). Interestingly, this information can point to similar efforts of cultural and linguistic protection through codeswitching over generations.<\/p>\n

                                                      Throughout history, codeswitching has remained an integral function of African American cultural preservation. In Dalby\u2019s word \u201cThe Black Americans have always had a legitimate reason for concealing information from white people\u201d (Dalby, 1972, p. 174). During the generation of slavery, those speaking in mother tongue would be beaten, lashed, or otherwise punished; thus, African slaves developed code within the English language as keep their masters<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      18 oblivious to true intention, thoughts and emotions. Once these words were identified or decoded,<\/p>\n

                                                      they were immediately dropped from the vernacular.
                                                      \nIn fast forwarding to future generations, similar gatekeeping and codeswitching can be<\/p>\n

                                                      identified in modern day African American English. Terms like Homie (friend), Bet, (agreement), Hip (aware), or Jive (dance), all move through the African American English vernacular and have been dropped since popularization by mainstream (white) society.<\/p>\n

                                                      The language of soul. Brown\u2019s contribution to Rappin\u2019 and Stylin\u2019 Out: Communication in urban Black America (Kochman, 1977) lend credence to the previously discussed references of Dalby. The Chapter \u201cThe Language of Soul\u201d (Brown, 1977) reinforces the facts that black slaves spoke in code to hide meanings of escape through metaphoric song, while also quickly discarding black language which has been picked up by the white community (p. 135). Where the generational gap begins to be noticed is that where black slaves hid meaning through codeswitching and dropping of identified terms, contemporary blacks protect word meaning for reasons dealing more with emotional authenticity of the usage. White pronunciation of soulful words or sounds of black vernacular would focus on accuracy of phonetic, rather than embracing the \u201cspoken soul\u201d of the given word\u2019s presentation.<\/p>\n

                                                      Brown goes on to relate these feelings of soulful linguistic embrace to the word \u201cNigger,\u201d and the difference of its soulful counterpart \u201cNigga.\u201d A word which is synonymous with hatred, bigotry, and oppression. One so guarded and wrought with judgment, I admit to it being difficult to simply write into this research paper. Brown provides this as the most extreme example of the reinforcement soullessness within verbal production can provide. When not phonetically pounced upon, the word is used within the black community while referring to one who has<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      19 embraced the rich history of soul, personal style, and celebration of being black (p. 134). When<\/p>\n

                                                      used locally and with soul, the word can empower or reinforce a bond; yet through pronunciation and tone it can also oppress and belittle while further driving greater distance between the dual heritage of African American and European American English vernaculars.<\/p>\n

                                                      \u201cI won\u2019t learn from you\u201d. In his series of essays, Herbert Kohl\u2019s \u201cI Won\u2019t Learn from You\u201d (1994) offers insight into language learners\u2019 decision to \u201cnot–learn\u201d for a variety of reasons. Kohl suggests several social or interpersonal conflicts which can play a part in a student making the decision to refuse education. One of these instances, Kohl suggests an education system which could be considered \u201cmolded in a hostile society\u201d (p. 11). This notion directly supports the previously discussed thoughts of Dr. Tatum regarding African American students feeling forced to decide between self-identity and group value versus learning from white instructors. Both articles referenced in this literature identify the challenges of identifying African American youth face as they grow and develop. This is reaffirmed by Kohl suggestion \u201cto learn from a stranger who does not respect your integrity causes major loss of self\u201d (p. 16).<\/p>\n

                                                      It was Kohl\u2019s belief that \u201cnot–learning\u201d is an \u201cintellectual and social challenge\u201d (p. 10) which requires a significant amount of work to reject or avoid even the most well-intentioned teaching strategies. He even admits to regrets the effects of making use of this strategy had in his own life growing up in a Jewish family. This caused a \u201closs of culture\u201d (p. 13) which still to this day creates a rift between the author and his culture.<\/p>\n

                                                      Furthermore, purposely \u201cnot–learning\u201d can create additional difficulties for teachers and institutions alike as it can challenge current educational development strategies and systems;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      20 which Kohl notes can consciously or subconsciously label a student as a \u201cmajor threat to the<\/p>\n

                                                      entire system\u201d (p. 21).
                                                      \nKohl elaborates further on this notion by describing an intelligent and well-spoken black<\/p>\n

                                                      student named Akmir, who openly challenged classroom discussion and readings as being painted with a brush of black inferiority. Kohl even lends validation through comments suggesting \u201cAkmir\u2019s not learning to speak or think in the racist way of his teachers was, for him, a healthy response to racism\u201d (p. 32). Despite the fact Kohl connected with Akmir by changing his approach to classroom discuss and reading requirement, Akmir still faced scrutiny and difficulty from previous educators. \u201cHis diploma was withheld because his teachers felt he didn\u2019t show adequate \u201ccitizenship\u201d in way of being a part of society\u201d (p. 38). This roadblock would go on to prevent Akmir\u2019s access to a teaching position at City College. The rejection and fear of being labeled as a \u201cdraft dodger\u201d caused a downward spiral which lead to a heroin overdose, and ultimately his death.<\/p>\n

                                                      Through these experiences and student interactions, Kohl admits to becoming more aware of how literature or discussion can be overtly or latently racist; and to \u201cunlearning racist and sexist language habits and trading them in for language of inclusion\u201d (p. 34). This admission eludes to another key point Kohl discusses in his work; that of being able to truly identify the difference between \u201cnot–learning\u201d and failing.<\/p>\n

                                                      Whereas Kohl\u2019s work paints a picture of students choosing to not-learn for several reasons such as solidarity (p. 11); it also expresses the importance of the ability to identify potential mismatches between \u201cwhat a learner wants to do and is able to do.\u201d This sort of failure, especially for a young learner who is also discovering themselves and searching for an identity,<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      21 can affect motivation towards continuing to learn or bring about feelings of inferiority or<\/p>\n

                                                      inadequacy.
                                                      \nGiven Kohl\u2019s discussion of the pitfalls true failure in not comprehending can have on a<\/p>\n

                                                      student, it could be considered a potential gateway into a stance of \u201cnot-learning.\u201d Much as previous literature discussed has indicated, there is an obvious importance young learners place in their search for identity through social, cultural, and academic spaces. This is an important acknowledgment for this research, as it adds credibility to the consideration of a potential divide between learners and educators in way of language education and performance.<\/p>\n

                                                      Dissin\u2019 the standard: Ebonics as guerilla warfare at Capital High. In reading \u201cDissin\u2019 \u201cthe Standard\u201d: Ebonics as Guerilla warfare at Capital High\u201d (Fordham 1999), I found the initial thread which built credence to my initial interest regarding the concept of the codeswitching between African American English and what is considered Standard American English within the African American Community. Grounded in research and interviews conducted over 2 years at Washington, D.C.\u2019s Capital High School, Fordham\u2019s study demonstrated rationale supporting a counter position to my own beginning at a significantly younger demographic. Whereas my initial thoughts regarding the usage codeswitching between AAE and SAE during adulthood could be keys to understanding the role of gatekeeping withinthe black community; Fordham points toward the young black students\u2019 potential need to protect their identity or their black identity, while using AAE as a way to reject SAE and the perceived racial inequality included within. (p. 273)<\/p>\n

                                                      Fordham points to Standard American English requirements of the Washington, D.C. school system as unintentionally fostering dissonance between black students and their<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
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                                                      22 instructors; thus creating a feeling within black students that to be viewed as intelligent they<\/p>\n

                                                      must \u201cact white\u201d (p. 280). This concept and the perception of its execution being guided by other white men, further solidifies the interpersonal need for cultural representation within the black student. Simply put, if the perception is \u201cFor you to think I\u2019m smart, I have to speak like a white person\u2013then I\u2019ll do everything I can to NOT.\u201d Fordham goes on to echo beliefs suggesting resentment in the concept of \u201cacting white\u201d being deeply rooted in black history. A black person acting white can be viewed disparagingly to the black community by removing their identity in lieu of perceived power associated with sounding \u201cwhite\u201d (p. 278).<\/p>\n

                                                      Despite the abolishment of slavery in 1865, several occurrences in American history would point to many vehicles used to further subject African Americans to oppression. The common thought is that oppression was solely through tangible forms of discrimination such as Jim Crow laws or lack of union representation; however, those who have studied this race divide found even language selection played a factor in further dehumanizing and perpetuating false narratives of ignorance and inferiority. In summation, people who did not effectively share the same dialect as the affluent brokers of success in society, were associated with social and academic ineptitude (Holt, 1972). This left African Americans oppressed via stigma which reinforced the racist beliefs of generations past.<\/p>\n

                                                      Fordham uses this understanding in building logic to suggest African American students refuse to demonstrate mastery of Standard American English as an act of defiance; furthering this sentiment by suggesting avoidance of coursework or assignments they deem as trying to indoctrinate them into a white way of life. This gives students a sense of empowerment by allowing them to control their usage of Standard American English. Even if just borrowed during<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      23 school hours, the general thesis of this idea is that SAE and its associated oppressions will not<\/p>\n

                                                      further perpetuate itself within this generation of black student.
                                                      \nThough the research presented in Fordham\u2019s article paints a different picture of the<\/p>\n

                                                      relationship between the young black community and Standard American English; it does add further consideration into my own research in understanding the perception of AAE usage within for adults in the black community, and their community discourse both internally and externally. In concluding this article, I understand that to truly paint an accurate picture in which to understand my potential subjects\u2019 thoughts towards African American English I must make consideration for the perception of Standard American English as well.<\/p>\n

                                                      Crossing the line: Case studies of identity development in first generation college women. Though the research conducted by Wentworth and Peterson (2001) specifically discusses identity development of \u201cadult women of working–class background\u201d (p. 10); justifications given in this research can directly tie back to multiple themes of identifydevelopment and Dr. Tatum\u2019s discussion of dominant\/subordinate social classes (2017, p. 12). Much as Tatum suggested, though the subjects of Wentworth\u2019s study were considered \u2018subordinate\u2019 given their respective gender and social statuses, all could also be considered part of a dominant class given their status as white women. Wentworth supports this consideration through acknowledging social class is only one component of various hierarchy classifications (p. 19).<\/p>\n

                                                      Though Wentworth\u2019s research focused on issues of social class, the discussion of identity development is also an important theme when considering research pertaining to African American male perception of African American Vernacular English. Whereas AAVE could be a<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      24 native dialect in some black communities; personal and cultural identity based on what is<\/p>\n

                                                      reported back through media and social interaction, could directly impact the perception of language usage. Succinctly put, a child\u2019s journey of self-awareness and personal development is influenced by considerations of their community, this would include personal thoughts on the appropriateness of their own dialectal choices.<\/p>\n

                                                      African-American perspective on Black English vernacular. In discussing African American English, especially as a white male, I believe there remains a duty to add authenticity of this research, by further examining the current state of AAE within the black community. Speicher and McMahon\u2019s (1992) research provided this in spades, by adding perspective of \u201cBEV\u201d (Black English Vernacular) through interviews which solicited information pertaining directly to subject comprehension. Simply put, Speicher not only wanted to identify if black people could identify traits of African American English, but if the potential attitudes surrounding it (p. 403).<\/p>\n

                                                      Most interesting in this article was the suggestion that portions of interviewed black subjects did not celebrate the creativity, origins, or artistic qualities of BEV (p. 403). In summation, Speicher\u2019s research suggests the possibility that the black community feels judgement or \u201cscreening\u201d (p. 402) when communicating interracially. The most important caveat in this suggestion is that all subjects interviewed in this study were part of language community within higher education. This implies a certain level of educational attainment which may have already survived an educational climate subconsciously disconnecting the black community from African American English.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      25 Though Speicher suggests all languages are created equal and should be treated as such,<\/p>\n

                                                      she also accepts the consideration that they are not. The difficulty for me in this reading is that while accepting this, she did interview subjects which already had passed through the educational system and were academically developed. Given my research and analysis of other studies, it could be considered that the subject responses containing a more extreme apathy towards BEV were in fact either codeswitching themselves or had genuinely had become disenfranchised with the suggestion that African American English can provide empowerment through attaching to the aforementioned soul and linguistic freedom for individualized expression.<\/p>\n

                                                      The silenced dialogue: Power and pedagogy in educating other people\u2019s children. The concept of \u201ca correct way to speak\u201d is an idea which can be debated to no seeming end. Regardless of cultural or socioeconomic background or upbringing, it would seem virtually all with interest in the discussion have an opinion. Delpit (1988) contributes to this discussion through association of language and education with power and political structure in what she considers \u201cthe culture of power\u201d (p. 282). Delpit tackles this idea by outlining five key components of power within a classroom; before transitioning into how these areas impact both instruction and perception of language.<\/p>\n

                                                      In summation, all diagnosed rules could feed into the same stigmatization described in previously referenced literature. Who has the power to decide what is normal, or how intelligent another is? Who holds the power of prescribing reading materials or lesson plans? There is a realization that this material or its accompanying instruction is primarily managed through the Caucasian perspective. These suggestions tie directly into Delpit\u2019s fifth premise which<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      26 summarizes that people without power can identify its presence more so than those who actually<\/p>\n

                                                      have it (p. 283). This notion bares importance, tying directly to a thematic connection in this research. If white people control the direction of English instruction and the relative impact of its importance, the \u201cright or wrong way to communicate\u201d takes a more factual demeanor in the eyes of language learners.<\/p>\n

                                                      Delpit (1988) supports this concept through comparison of interactions with learners between black mentors, adults or teachers and their white counterparts. These examples relate directness of requests, or commands, to the nature in which they are received or executed (pp. 283-285). Black students interviewed reported a more enriching learning environment when instructors were more direct and assertive, because their \u201cauthority was earned\u201d (p. 290). This idea ties directly back to Delpit\u2019s original suggestion of power. Students were less receptive to educational practices in which an instructor employed more vague or suggestive language. This sort of control mechanism seemed to contradict student thoughts towards power, tying directly into the student questioning the teacher\u2019s motivation and true knowledge of the subject material (p. 290). Succinctly put, if you are the teacher then you should teach with an authority that is being given by a student who recognizes the structure of power as it has been presented to them.<\/p>\n

                                                      Delpit (1988) goes on discussing power as it pertains specifically to her five tenants; while offering the observation that only failure can result from any suggestion that the style in which a student talks or writes being irrelevant (p. 292). The author goes on to discuss the importance of creating awareness for both the value of a language learner\u2019s natural communication coding style, and the actuality of authority and control in the United States educational system (p. 293). This described scenario is expounded on through analysis of a<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      27 Native Alaskan instructor explaining various language coding to students as having \u201cpicnics\u201d<\/p>\n

                                                      versus \u201cformal dinners\u201d; a simile which I had onto this point never considered. One of the prescribed styles is considered an easier and more enriching representative of true self, whereas the latter is considered useful in required settings.<\/p>\n

                                                      Enacting an educational process of language development centered around such a perception can aid student development as academic English learners, while still honoring the importance and significance of their native cultural code. Furthermore, this sort of implementation could provide grounds for the preservation of a language style through supporting its place in the world.<\/p>\n

                                                      Regardless of personal belief, this article serves valuable in review for this research as it helps to better define both where the suggested difficulties between AAVE and SAE and their instruction could arise in academic settings; while also demonstrating how creating space for cultural dialects or languages can begin to balance the power (or lack thereof) given to either.<\/p>\n

                                                      An important first step in researching scenarios in which a young African American male may find divergence between African American Vernacular English and the potential effects of these differences is to better understand the potential experiences of black males while developing into adults. This includes their perception of self as well as their perception of the world around them. Regardless of race, gender, or other defining human characteristics, it could be considered that we believe we are who we are because of what the world we surround ourselves with tells us. Experiencing significant bias based on race or social class, especially at an age of internal growth and development, can augment both our self and global perceptions. The following review of literature confirms developing young African Americans experience<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      28 significantly more bias than their white counterparts; while also signaling an inability in<\/p>\n

                                                      addressing or empathizing with these challenging scenarios as an unintentional means of strengthening their grip on young African American development.<\/p>\n

                                                      Dr. Beverly Tatum (2017) supports this notion while likening racism to a \u201cmoving walk way at an airport\u201d (p. 11), suggesting that despite a passive presence on the belt, society and racism still move in the same direction. As a white male conducting this research, this was an important metaphor to consider in reading Tatum\u2019s work covering the development of African Americans from adolescence to adulthood; especially in attempting to synthesize Dr. Tatum\u2019swork which argues perception of self is defined through reflection and portrayal by media, news, teachers, and other influencers. Tatum would argue that though all races, religions, genders, and sexual orientations face this sort of classism thereby creating a dominant\/subordinate structure, African Americans are naturally forced into a sub-category of pre-identification. In summary, societally speaking white people, regardless of other class defining traits, do not have to address the fact they are \u201cwhite,\u201d whereas African Americans do.<\/p>\n

                                                      Tatum would argue the effects of the dominant\/subordinate class direction by explaining dominant classes considered as much due to the ease of accessibility to insight into its culture. For example, any American would have a significantly easier time locating mass media such as TV shows, movies, or news about white families, relationships, and people. Inherently regardless of other classes in which they could align (male\/female, Christian\/Jewish) white people and their traits could be considered the dominant culture. Furthermore, they are not affected by situations of subordinate classes. Tatum argues this sort of dynamic creates onus to preserve or enrich its own community for members of the subordinate class. At a young age this sort of division, latent<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      or intentional, can cause challenges on social, academic, and personal fronts as African American children struggle with self-identification.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      In her third chapter Tatum (2017) points to adolescent African Americans coming to the realization their skin is different, and what those conversations look like with fellow students, peers, and adults. Dr. Tatum points out race constancy doesn\u2019t develop in a black child until approximately ages 6-7, thus until then the dominant culture has impacted youth to the point some express wanting to be white (p. 43).<\/p>\n

                                                      Entering into a larger social populace of high schools, a developing African American\u2019s are still processing this race differential. While struggling to do it alone peer groups are found and can provide a pillar in understanding (logical or illogical thoughts) and more importantly, finding acceptance. In doing so, young learners take on the beliefs and tones of the group. As base class association (dominant\/subordinate) is the central theme all students are struggling with, African-American students become more in tune with the thoughts and suggestion of those they surround themselves with. This can often time lead to underperformance in education or academia due to a student\u2019s fear of \u201cacting white\u201d in front of a peer group that provides them support structure while processing their feelings. Simply put, black students feel they risk being ostracized from a social group that welcomes them by associating with identifiers such as classroom activity and achievement commonly linked to white students through reinforcement of dominant culture.<\/p>\n

                                                      A general inability to provide constructive solutions or truly empathize with struggles black students encounter, creates a significant barrier between these students and their previous social pillars (such as white friends or mentors). As Tatum states \u201cWhen feelings, rational or<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      29<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      30 irrational are invalidated, most people disengage\u201d (p. 59). This stresses the importance of<\/p>\n

                                                      establishing a positive peer group which can reinforce both the discovery of cultural identity and academic success.<\/p>\n

                                                      In conclusion, Dr. Tatum\u2019s work highlights the importance of developing a true comprehension of the developing African American student\u2019s struggle with identity. Though this could seem a daunting challenge for any teacher or institution, creating an environment which enables self-discovery without the negative associations of dominant\/subordinate culture can play a direct role in unlocking academic performance and personal growth. One way in which directive could be furthered, is through removing the concept that one dialect version of English is superior to another.<\/p>\n

                                                      Language in the inner city: Studies in Black English vernacular. William Labov\u2019s (1975) research into the linguistic foundations and properties of Black English Vernacular lays considerable groundwork for not only the differences between BEV and Standard American English, but also provides insight into what could culturally be considered early studies and theories of the linguistic differences as a whole. Despite being published almost 50 years ago, Labov\u2019s research was immensely helpful in identifying specific physical traits of the dialect which aid in comparing and contrasting it between what is widely considered its \u2018standard\u2019 counterpart. Through identifying these components, significant resemblance can be found between the language usage demonstrated by gangs such as the Jets, Cobras, and Thunderbirds in Labov\u2019s study, to usage of today\u2019s African Americans.<\/p>\n

                                                      Due to the nature of this thesis research, it is of further interest to note the studies and recommendations of \u201cDeficit Theory\u201d (Jensen, 1969) referenced in Labov\u2019s text which pointed<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      \n

                                                      31 to linguistic behavior being a sign of genetic inferiority (p. 202). These sort of racially motivated<\/p>\n

                                                      generalizations, though backed by research and data of the times, could provide a possible link between the negative stereotypes of BEV\/AAE in society being researched in this study. These sorts of findings could also point to the suppression and labeling of black language as a means of further supporting what Labov considers the \u201ccaste system of American society\u201d (p. 204).<\/p>\n

                                                      Traits such as the removal of \u201cL\u201d or \u201cR\u201d sounds in demonstrate both similarities and differences of the linguistic properties between both Standard American English and African American English. Labov points to this by comparing the R-lessness of AAE to the Bostonian \u201cYawkee\u201d accent. In summation Labov note that both vernaculars employ AAE employs this glided R sound, however AAE usage does so much more consistently compared to its Northeastern counterpart which only creates the sound when not followed by a vowel (p. 13) Another trait identified by Labov considered the simplification or weakening of final consonant clusters, which can be heard in oral presentation of the words like \u201cPoor\u2013Poh\u201d or \u201cGuest\u2013Guess\u201d (pp. 16-18). Personally, I was reminded of the term \u201cAxe\u2013Ask\u201d which has been a point of contention in several conversations I have shared while in the Midwest.<\/p>\n

                                                      Though Jensen\u2019s research would argue these terms as examples of deficiency (Jensen, 1969), a sort of linguistic empowerment could also be argued. In contemporary art, songs like \u201cPo\u2019 Folks\u201d (Anthony, 2002) exemplify the weakening of final constant clusters while demonstrating linguistic freedom of bouncing between BEV and SAE.<\/p>\n

                                                      Labov refutes Jensen\u2019s claims about inferior intelligence through a series of interviews conducted with various African American subjects of varying age, educational, and socio- economic backgrounds. The subjects, namely a child \u201cLeon,\u201d a teenage gang member named<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      32 \u201cLarry,\u201d and a college educated man named \u201cCharles\u201d (pp. 206-220) show varying grasps and<\/p>\n

                                                      usages of the BEV and SAE dialects. Whereas young Leon answers questions in a way which could be seen as providing answers which would keep him out of trouble, college-educated Charles covers illogical responses through repetition and restatement of his position in a collected and well-spoken dialogue. Interestingly, and a fair representation as to the importance of this research, 15-year-old Larry shows significant mastery of English by alternating between BEV and SAE in a discourse which is easy to follow in both conversational and dialogue (pp. 214-218).<\/p>\n

                                                      What can be taken from Labov\u2019s research in these interviews is that mastery of Standard American English, as well as other factors such as appearance and temperance of language can create a false representation of someone\u2019s intelligence. The teenage gang member interviewed by Labov was direct and blunt, but his logic in explanation of a topic was much more coherent and showed a significantly more consistent grasp of the subject matter; whereas the older, more educated, and well-groomed counterpart was given more intellectual credit before even speaking. Labov even acknowledges this directly, stating:<\/p>\n

                                                      These two conversations are shown as models in which our preconceived notions of intelligence are weighted heavily by our interpersonal thoughts on the orator. Charles is well groomed \u2018likeable and attractive\u2019 with more tempered and moderate language, so it could be considered he is educated and well spoken. However, his logic is masked through over statements padding or repeating of the main argument. (p. 218)<\/p>\n

                                                      In taking educational level and socio-economic status out of the equation in this research and simply noting the ages of the subjects, we see a black child who is afraid of getting in trouble<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      33 by providing the wrong answers to a white authority figure, a black teenager who is coming to<\/p>\n

                                                      grips with their fluency and identity while trying to display interpersonal comfortability and intelligence to the same, and finally an older man trying to use Standard American English as a means of attempting to appear educated on subject to a potential peer. This trajectory exemplifies the concepts being researched in this thesis. I concluded Labov\u2019s work even more interested in the consideration that between childhood and adulthood, African Americans may experience effects which alter their perception of Black English Vernacular\/African American English as an effective means of communication and adequately displaying their intellectual worth. It would seem as if Jensen\u2019s claims of intellectual inferiority (1969) where not tied to race, but into systematic reinforcement of negative perception and stereotypes.<\/p>\n

                                                      In summation, this literature review exhibits and reflects on research with the designation of better understanding the historic usage of African American Vernacular English as well as social factors which has impacted its perception amongst native speakers, or altered its growth and development. It is through development of this theoretical framework, that we can begin to compare researched literature to the thoughts and opinions of those interviewed for this study. Undertaking any cultural study as an outsider can require an amount of reflective or open analysis, allowing for considerations that existing power structures can meet (and potentially clash with) cultural need for identity and representation. These sorts of power struggles of language and cultural value are demonstrated while detailing what sort of challenges African American males can face in their search for educational and cultural equality. Employing research which validates cultural markers and needs helps to gain perspective before conducting of interviews; while providing more insight into why potential answers exist.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Literature reviewed for this research document also further examines the impact perception of power can have on young black males as they age through puberty; and the challenges presented intentionally (or unintentionally) through a social system geared towards dominant culture. As a counter to this position, additional literature was reviewed which demonstrated the antithesis of this notion; by integrating AAVE into classroom, black students actually became more invested into coursework.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      34<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      35<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\n
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                                                      Participants<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Chapter 3: Methodology<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Participants of this research will be comprised of African American males with a split within various age demographics. Target age demographic will consist African American males with ages ranging between the 20-32 and 32-55 demographic.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Data Collection
                                                      \nDescription of data collection instruments. Data collection instruments will include<\/p>\n

                                                      audio recording devices (DAT Recorder) and audio\/video recording devices. During interview sessions, the researcher will employ use of writing material for notetaking and timestamping in order to more easily recall specific information pertinent to the research study.<\/p>\n

                                                      Subject interviews will be conducted using included Interview Structure Guide to maintain questions stay targeted toward specific domains of academic experience and language perception.
                                                      \nProcedures<\/p>\n

                                                      During the initial interview, subjects will be asked about their experiences with usage of African American English in both social and academic climates. Information will also be solicited from subjects in an attempt to identify when they began to notice differences<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      between African American English and Standard American English, and what sort of support was provided to reinforce any implied negative perceptions regarding the usage of African American English. Audio information from interview sessions will be collected, interpreted and analyzed utilizing Spradley\u2019s outlined process of analyzing and uncovering potential domains and thematic connection (1979).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      36<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\n
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                                                      Analysis Plan<\/p>\n

                                                      Collected data will be analyzed through interpretation of recorded responses while specifically attempting to identify connections, correlations, or potential themes between established (primary) domains centered on the educational experience, personal thoughts on standard American English, and personal thoughts on codeswitching between African<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      American English and Standard American English. These individual domains will be further investigated through a line of questioning which focuses on specific occurrences of both language use and subject perception of said usage. Though these aforementioned domains serve as a structure for drawing of connected themes, both the interview and coding process will allow for potential uncovering of additional domain or thematic connections.<\/p>\n

                                                      Revision was made in analysis coding to allow for categorization and classification of childhood background. This was done as through the interview process, an apparent theme emerged pertaining to the potential effects integration or segregation have on perception of codeswitching. Subjects were asked to describe their childhood dynamic including school system, socioeconomic environment, and diversity of their community. These discussions lead to the need of establishing whether interview subjects could be considered as coming from two very distinctly different upbringings.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

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                                                      \n
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                                                      Interviewees categorized as \u201cHomogenous\u201d are defined as those in which the subjects reported growing up in environments which were predominantly white, with limited engagement of varying socioeconomic climate. Simply put these subjects could be considered as developing within a more \u201caffluent\u201d structure, with limited experience to true cultural or<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                      Table 1<\/p>\n

                                                      Subject Profile Chart<\/p>\n

                                                      1 LaKeith 37 3 Omari 28<\/p>\n

                                                      5 Michael 35 7 Steven 30<\/p>\n

                                                      9 Forest 34<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n

                                                      Real Estate Director<\/p>\n

                                                      Market Development Rep \u2013 (CC)<\/p>\n

                                                      Sales Rep \u2013 (CC) Account Manager \u2013 (CC)<\/p>\n

                                                      Store clerk – retail<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n

                                                      M.A. B.S.<\/p>\n

                                                      B.A. B.S.<\/p>\n

                                                      H.S Diploma<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n

                                                      Homogenous Homogenous<\/p>\n

                                                      Diverse Homogenous<\/p>\n

                                                      Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      37<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      economic diversity. They are considered \u201cHomogenous\u201d, as their experiences relate directly back to the dominant culture as defined by Tatum (2017).<\/p>\n

                                                      Classification terminology of \u201cDiverse\u201d is used to associate interview subjects with their recollections of childhood in a more diverse socioeconomic and cultural setting. This label is given to subjects who grew up attending public schools with a wide variety of cultures<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      and races; those who\u2019s social constructs did not match the student-teacher dynamic of academia. All profile information of interviewed test subjects is detailed in the chart below.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Subject<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
                                                      \n
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                                                      Pseudonym<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      Age<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      Job<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Education<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Classification<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
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                                                      2<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Jermaine<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      25<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Sales Rep \u2013 Call Center (CC)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      B.A.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
                                                      \n
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                                                      Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
                                                      \n
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                                                      4<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Terry<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      33<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Real Estate Agent<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      H.S. Diploma<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
                                                      \n
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                                                      6<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Danny<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      42<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Owner \u2013 retail store<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      M.B.A.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
                                                      \n
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                                                      8<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      David<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      27<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      Market Development Rep \u2013 (CC)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      B.S.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n\n
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                                                      10<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      Patton<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      35<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                      \n

                                                      Sales Rep \u2013 (CC)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      M.A.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                      		\n
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                                                      Homogenous<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                      <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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                                                      \n

                                                      Chapter 4: Results<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
                                                      \n

                                                      How do African-American males (professionals?) use \u201cblack voice\u201d and \u201cwhite voice\u201d in their social, educational, and professional lives?<\/p>\n

                                                      Out of the 10 subjects interviewed for this research, all elaborated upon thoughts of style and code switching by sharing experiences which referenced a varying need of inclusion of self or others in a variety of settings. These summaries, as well as specific quotes and highlights of interview sessions, provide insight into the African American male perspective regarding African American English Vernacular usage by both African Americans and White Americans in academic, professional, and social environments.
                                                      \nOverall View of Languages<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      38<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      Is there a difference between Black and White Language<\/p>\n

                                                      Yes<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \"page39image28044336\"<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      Figure 1. Is there a difference between black and white language?
                                                      \nSimilarities existed throughout all 10 of the interviewed research subjects in their opinion<\/p>\n

                                                      of the existence of switching between African American Vernacular English and Standard American English within their lives. All 10 subjects reported understanding there was a way in which black people speak which is different from the way white people speak and admitted to seeing no difference between specific terms of \u201cwhite voice\u201d or black voice\u201d , only recognizing a<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                      \n
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                                                      39 difference between terms such as African American English Vernacular, Black English, Standard<\/p>\n

                                                      American English, and White English. To all subjects interviewed these terms were interchangeable as representation of the language but were not representative of the terms \u201cblack voice\u201d or \u201cwhite voice.\u201d The predominant theme amongst all interviewed was that black language included more a soulful (or relational) representation of language which connected to cultural value or experience; whereas white language was perceived as primarily as transactional, or for direction or specific communication such as completing a task. Amongst the 10, all associated Standard American English as a sort of Business Language which was either devoid of a need for cultural relevance, or had cultural relevance based on progressive needs of cultures who were attempting to assimilate. \u201cMichael\u201d (Subject #2) went on record as stating his belief that so many people study English to learn it for business, that Standard American English loses its cultural value (line 3).<\/p>\n

                                                        \n
                                                      1. 1 \u00a0\u201cTo me, I think there\u2019s a way white people speak, but it\u2019s just \u201cStandard English\u201d, and<\/li>\n
                                                      2. 2 \u00a0that is what is considered proper. That\u2019s why so many different countries have learn<\/li>\n
                                                      3. 3 \u00a0\u201cEnglish\u201d programs. It\u2019s about business and development to me, Standard English isn\u2019t<\/li>\n
                                                      4. 4 \u00a0really about culture or history.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
                                                        \n
                                                        \n
                                                        \n

                                                        Dialect Preference<\/p>\n

                                                        No Prefence Situationally AAVE SAE Unsure<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                        \"page40image28067472\"<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                        \n
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                                                        Figure 2. Dialect preference.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                        \n

                                                        40 Even those subjects who would state they themselves had no true preference in a style of<\/p>\n

                                                        language usage regardless of the scenario, or suggested they never considered that they spoke differently than anyone else regardless of race, all identified unique holistic traits of the two referenced languages and their identifiers.<\/p>\n

                                                          \n
                                                        1. 5 \u00a0\u201cI think that there is way African Americans talk in their day to day conversations, it<\/li>\n
                                                        2. 6 \u00a0tends to be more inferences and culturally based meaning the references drawn are from<\/li>\n
                                                        3. 7 \u00a0cultural things that African Americans understand more and there isn\u2019t really a sound to<\/li>\n
                                                        4. 8 \u00a0me.\u201d \u201cLaKeith\u201d (Subject #1)<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                          White People Style Switching to AAVE<\/p>\n

                                                          Appropriating Condescending<\/p>\n

                                                          Figure 3. Interviewed subjects (collective) responses to white people using AAVE.
                                                          \nOne area in which all subjects reported opinion, regardless of setting, pertained to the use<\/p>\n

                                                          of AAVE by white people. Regardless of socioeconomic status, cultural community upbringing, or academic experience, all interviewed research subjects expressed opinions which spoke to the user\u2019s authenticity, thoughts of appropriation, or both.<\/p>\n

                                                          The use of AAVE by white people in a business setting was described by subjects using terms such as \u201cunnecessary\u201d, \u201cfake\u201d, \u201cunauthentic\u201d, or \u201ccondescending\u201d. One subject described a time in which a direct supervisor used AAVE as a method of \u201cconnecting\u201d with African– American employees as a way to \u201crelate\u201d to them and inspire motivation. This interaction, outlined below left \u201cPatton\u201d (Subject #10), a successful call center sales representative, feeling disenfranchised with the supervisor and their own position in the company. These results were<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n\n
                                                          \n
                                                          \n
                                                          \n

                                                          Social Setting<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                          Professional Setting<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

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                                                          Inauthentic<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                          Inappropriate<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
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                                                          False<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

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                                                          Unnecessary<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

                                                          \n
                                                          \n
                                                          \n

                                                          41 echoed in the realm of academia. Of the 7 subjects who reported instances of white authority<\/p>\n

                                                          figures using AAVE in academic environments, all expressed feelings of confusion or disenfranchisement with the figure\u2019s attempt to connect on a personal level. These attempts were generally viewed as unauthentic as the attempts seemed to appear from nowhere and were not sustained long enough to build credibility or authenticity.<\/p>\n

                                                            \n
                                                          1. 9 \u00a0Patton: \u201cA good example would be like, once I closed this big deal and hit my monthly<\/li>\n
                                                          2. 10 \u00a0metrics. Now, keep in mind I\u2019m the only black guy on my specific sales team. We having<\/li>\n
                                                          3. 11 \u00a0our monthly recap meeting, and boss is like (sarcastically imitates white voice): \u201cWell<\/li>\n
                                                          4. 12 \u00a0(redacted), hit his number and so you know \u2018dat check is gone be ballin\u2019!\u201d I\u2019m just sitting<\/li>\n
                                                          5. 13 \u00a0there like, man I don\u2019t even talk like that in the office (laughs). Here you are doing it in<\/li>\n
                                                          6. 14 \u00a0front of a bunch of white coworkers because I\u2019m here. It\u2019s like unintentionally singling<\/li>\n
                                                          7. 15 \u00a0me out for being black when you celebrating that I\u2019m good at my job? Like hey, he did it<\/li>\n
                                                          8. 16 \u00a0\u2013and he\u2019s even BLACK!.. Then to everybody else, he be like (sarcastically imitates white<\/li>\n
                                                          9. 17 \u00a0voice) \u201cGentlemen, Great job hitting your monthly metrics.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                          10. 18 \u00a0Interviewer: \u201cHow did that make you feel?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                          11. 19 \u00a0P: \u201cI mean, for real?\u201d C\u2019mon (chuckles sarcastically) I spent enough time around white<\/li>\n
                                                          12. 20 \u00a0people growing up or my life to know when its real or fake. Shit like that is<\/li>\n
                                                          13. 21 \u00a0condescending, but you just deal with it. Whatever man, I\u2019m still getting paid and he ain\u2019t<\/li>\n
                                                          14. 22 \u00a0mad about making money either, you know? So we good. It\u2019s just unnecessary.\u201dFurther elaboration helped to better outline the majority of those interviewed and their<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                            standpoint of theoretical restrictions or credit is given towards white people codeswitching. \u201cPatton\u201d clarified his position further, when I asked whether he would have better received the interaction with his boss in a different environment.<\/p>\n

                                                              \n
                                                            1. 23 \u00a0\u201cNo, I don\u2019t think so because I didn\u2019t know him like that. The first and longest standing<\/li>\n
                                                            2. 24 \u00a0instance I know of this guy is that he\u2019s a sales manager who grew up in a nice<\/li>\n
                                                            3. 25 \u00a0neighborhood with a nice college and stuff. You know? And that was supported with how<\/li>\n
                                                            4. 26 \u00a0he talked to me in general business sense. That\u2019s the archetype I have of the guy. So even<\/li>\n
                                                            5. 27 \u00a0if we\u2019re out getting a beer, I feel like I\u2019m still expecting him to talk like his self, or at least<\/li>\n
                                                            6. 28 \u00a0what I know of who he is.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
                                                              \n
                                                              \n
                                                              \n

                                                              42 The theme of authenticity was predominant in discussion regarding white people\u2019s usage<\/p>\n

                                                              of AAVE in social settings. All 10 subjects interviewed noted the importance of speaker<\/p>\n

                                                              authenticity. As one interviewee noted:<\/p>\n

                                                                \n
                                                              1. 29 \u00a0\u201c..black language can\u2019t be borrowed. If it is a dialect someone is going to use, it has to be<\/li>\n
                                                              2. 30 \u00a0for a reason. Like they grew up with it, or they\u2019re a part of an authentic black community<\/li>\n
                                                              3. 31 \u00a0who uses it. Like if you got a lot of black friends, you start speaking like them over time,<\/li>\n
                                                              4. 32 \u00a0you don\u2019t just show up spitting slang.\u201d \u201cLakeith\u201d (Subject #1).Even those subjects who professed to have grown up in a white community echoed this<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                sentiment; referencing the importance of authenticity in the white use of AAVE and its ability to connect in a deeper way within a social group.<\/p>\n

                                                                  \n
                                                                1. 33 \u00a0\u201cI\u2019d like to think people speak how they are going to speak, because that\u2019s what I do or<\/li>\n
                                                                2. 34 \u00a0how I handle communication. But honestly, it\u2019s easy to identify those who are getting out<\/li>\n
                                                                3. 35 \u00a0of their comfort zone with their words. I never got it, man. Are you trying to fool me? Are<\/li>\n
                                                                4. 36 \u00a0you not comfortable with yourself or just not comfortable around me and my people?<\/li>\n
                                                                5. 37 \u00a0Why you tryin\u2019 so hard?\u201d \u201cOmari\u201d (Subject #3).Interestingly, a common theme on the idea of white people using AAVE also emerged<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                  from interviews of those classified as growing up in diverse cultural settings while experiencing a sense of being \u201ctold\u201d the right way to speak was not to use AAVE. This sentiment was expressed succinctly by \u201cForest\u201d in a statement in which he wondered why white people would try to use AAVE in any environment, especially if it were not authentic. This line of questioning was supported by experiences with white educators which perpetuated the notion of Standard American English as the most accurate and appropriate form of communication. His statements, which are further elaborated on in the Discussion section, reflect the statements of Delpit (1988) which summarize the tenants of power in pedagogy, acknowledging that whereas whites are<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                  \n
                                                                  \n
                                                                  \n

                                                                  43 most commonly in charge of academic decisions, materials, and direction; thus, the race retains<\/p>\n

                                                                  most general power over multicultural students entering the educational system.<\/p>\n

                                                                  Language in Social Areas<\/p>\n

                                                                  Several similarities existed in the response of interviewed research subjects in the realm of using AAVE and SAE within social settings. Seven of the 10 subjects reported finding the use of AAVE within a social environment comprised of other African Americans to be substantially more enriching. Those interviewed used terms such as \u201chonest\u201d, \u201cauthentic\u201d, and \u201creal\u201d in describing the use of AAVE with other African-Americans. This is demonstrated and exemplified especially in interviews with \u201cDavid\u201d (Subject #8) and \u201cJermaine\u201d when discussing experiences of using different codes in social settings.<\/p>\n

                                                                    \n
                                                                  1. 38 \u00a0\u201cHonestly, I can\u2019t say I notice any sort of codeswitch or whatever when I\u2019m in a social<\/li>\n
                                                                  2. 39 \u00a0setting. For real I think it just happens when I\u2019m around friends or family.. my \u201cpeople\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                  3. 40 \u00a0you know.. Not even just \u201cmy black people\u201d, but like people who been knowing me for a<\/li>\n
                                                                  4. 41 \u00a0while. Like it feels \u201creal\u201d so to speak.. I don\u2019t know. Maybe that\u2019s the point of what you<\/li>\n
                                                                  5. 42 \u00a0getting at? Like, I don\u2019t feel anyway about it, but I do feel certain ways or notice when I<\/li>\n
                                                                  6. 43 \u00a0feel like I have to talk white or proper at work or in public.\u201d \u201cDavid\u201d (Subject #8)<\/li>\n
                                                                  7. 44 \u00a0\u201cIt\u2019s kinda like what I said about when you callin\u2019 someone for work and you get<\/li>\n
                                                                  8. 45 \u00a0comfortable and don\u2019t have to be all proper. Sometimes it\u2019s good to just take it out and<\/li>\n
                                                                  9. 46 \u00a0put the thought of having to speak a certain way, or even be aware of it, and just put it on<\/li>\n
                                                                  10. 47 \u00a0the shelf, you know? Like decompress or just be authentic in where I\u2019m at. Out with my<\/li>\n
                                                                  11. 48 \u00a0homies catchin a game, or even just home with my fam, you know? It\u2019s like, real time, but<\/li>\n
                                                                  12. 49 \u00a0I don\u2019t think I\u2019m even aware of it at the time, like.. I don\u2019t think about it, but being asked<\/li>\n
                                                                  13. 50 \u00a0that question, yeah man, I probably appreciate it more than I really think about.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                  14. 51 \u00a0\u201cJermaine\u201d (Subject #2)Two of the remaining subjects suggested they felt no difference in their use of language<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                    and could not report on known code or style switching. This information will be referenced further in the discussion section; as it is of interest to note these reporting subjects were also those who reported being from communities classified as \u201cHomogenous\u201d (predominantly white).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                    \n
                                                                    \n
                                                                    \n

                                                                    44 Interestingly, these thoughts felt more on par with considerations of Wentworth and Patterson<\/p>\n

                                                                    (2001) who, in summary, suggested the subjects of their study admitted to enduring similar struggles, but were unable to see subtle benefits they were afforded over their counterparts due to socioeconomic and racial influence. This concept will be elaborated on more completely in the discussion section; but succinctly explained here, the indications of feeling relatively oblivious can point to a lack of awareness of the various power or entitlement provided by growing up in a pre-dominantly white community.<\/p>\n

                                                                    The remaining outlier reported a direct need of confirming the social dialect used before fully contributing to conversations. Summarizing this statement, the subject found it best to gauge a social group before contributing, unless it was a pre-existing or familiar social circle. This subject, \u201cSteven\u201d (subject #7) was also from a community classified for this research as \u201cHomogenous\u201d.<\/p>\n

                                                                      \n
                                                                    1. 53 \u00a0\u201cI know I said oh well language is just language and its about being able to be<\/li>\n
                                                                    2. 54 \u00a0communicate with people; but if I\u2019m being honest \u2018witchya I guess I do at least analyze<\/li>\n
                                                                    3. 55 \u00a0the room when I\u2019m somewhere new or with new people. Like, more if it\u2019s black people I\u2019ll<\/li>\n
                                                                    4. 56 \u00a0let them talk first.. But I guess the way I view that is that we speak different to different<\/li>\n
                                                                    5. 57 \u00a0groups, right. Teachers talk different to students, friends talk different to coworkers.<\/li>\n
                                                                    6. 58 \u00a0People watch their words in front of new people. (pause) I\u2019m saying I ain\u2019t gonna walk in<\/li>\n
                                                                    7. 59 \u00a0and be all like \u2018sup nigga\u2019 whaz good, you know? But if I\u2019m with my friends, cuttin\u2019 up or<\/li>\n
                                                                    8. 60 \u00a0whatever, then yeah, that filter comes off because it\u2019s all love.\u201d \u201cSteven\u201d (subject #7)<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n

                                                                      Language in Academia<\/p>\n

                                                                      Proper
                                                                      \nLike a white person
                                                                      \nRight way to speak to authority figures Prove I\u2019m smart<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                      \n

                                                                      Correctly
                                                                      \nLike an adult Polite
                                                                      \nJust the way you speak<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n

                                                                      45<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n
                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n

                                                                      Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                                      		\n
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                                                                      \n

                                                                      Homogenous<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

                                                                      \"page46image5007296\" \"page46image5005760\" \"page46image5008064\"\"page46image5007680\" \"page46image5009216\" \"page46image5008256\"\"page46image5009408\" \"page46image5008640\"<\/p>\n

                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n

                                                                      Figure 4. Traits and phrases describing language correctness.
                                                                      \nDifferentiation of opinion occurred primarily through the connection of socioeconomic<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n

                                                                      background in childhood upbringing and experience in academia. Four of the subjects who took part in the research project did not recognize their answers as making a conscious choice to code or style switch. These same subjects directly identified as growing up in predominantly white upper-class communities (Homogenous), and thus never admitting to knowing a difference between \u201cblack voice\u201d and \u201cwhite voice\u201d through their upbringing or in academia. Summation of their thoughts could be considered as \u201cnever having thought of making a decision to switch the way they spoke in various surroundings\u201d. Despite this theme and corresponding statements, all four of the interviewed subjects hailing from pre-dominantly white (Homogenous) communities used the statement \u201cknew there was a right way to talk.\u201d This notion was thematically consistent with the thoughts of the six remaining subjects which reported growing up in mixed or black communities of varying socioeconomic status; however, it did so with less reported conflict andconfrontation. In attempting to unpack more of \u201cthe right way to talk\u201d from subjects of the \u201cHomogenous\u201d classification, I was able to uncover that many of these thoughts or stories were geared towards thoughts on manners or politeness, not actual grammatical rules or vernacular usage. Examples of these scenarios are expressed in the interview highlights below.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n
                                                                      \n
                                                                        \n
                                                                      1. 61 \u00a0Lakieth: \u201cI wouldn\u2019t say I had to consciously think about it or anything like that, like<\/li>\n
                                                                      2. 62 \u00a0jumping into speaking proper or not because things were always \u201cproper\u201d, you know? I<\/li>\n
                                                                      3. 63 \u00a0learned how to speak just like, the same way any other kids did in my classes.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                      4. 64 \u00a0Interviewer: \u201cbut to clarify, they were predominantly white, correct?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                      5. 65 \u00a0L: \u201cOh yeah, I mean like I said, I grew up in the suburbs… One of maybe 3 black<\/li>\n
                                                                      6. 66 \u00a0families in my school… So you just talked the way people talked, and knew better than<\/li>\n
                                                                      7. 67 \u00a0speaking any different.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                      8. 68 \u00a0I: \u201cWell, I\u2019d like to expand on that. Can you elaborate on \u201cknew better\u201d? Knew better<\/li>\n
                                                                      9. 69 \u00a0than what?\u201dL: \u201cI mean, yeah I would talk with other kids and talk like kids talk, but I wasn\u2019t out there cursing in front of teachers, or not saying please and thank you, or using \u201cMs. or Mr. or Principal\u201d.. stuff like that.\u201d
                                                                        \nI: \u201cSo when you use a phrase like \u201cI knew better\u201d, you\u2019re referring more towards a use of politeness?L: \u201cFor sure, that\u2019d probably be a good way to put it, yeah. Like, all people say please and thank you, don\u2019t matter if you\u2019re a black kid or a white kid.\u201dThe remaining 6 subjects interviewed all reported scenarios in which a conscious effort<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                        was made to \u201cspeak correctly\u201d throughout their childhood and experiences in academia. However, unlike those from the Homogenous classification, interview subjects from \u201cDiverse\u201d classification shared stories focusing more towards speaking or sounding like a white person. These subjects, from less affluent areas, all attended public schools of large diverse student bodies. Classification or categorization of this group would be considered \u201cDiverse\u201d based on explained methodology, as they faced a much larger and diverse intercultural and socioeconomic environment.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                        \n
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                                                                        47<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<\/colgroup>\n\n\n\n
                                                                        \n
                                                                        \n
                                                                        \n

                                                                        Diverse<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n

                                                                        		\n
                                                                        \n
                                                                        \n

                                                                        Homogenous<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

                                                                        \"page48image27742480\" \"page48image27747856\" \"page48image27747184\" \"page48image27746288\"<\/td>\n\n
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                                                                        \n

                                                                        Confrontations<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                        \"page48image27748192\"<\/p>\n

                                                                        \n
                                                                        \n

                                                                        Unsure Never<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

                                                                        \n
                                                                        \n

                                                                        Figure 5. Direct reportable recollection of confrontations regarding language.
                                                                        \nNot considering extent of academic accomplishment for these 6 subjects from \u201cDiverse\u201d<\/p>\n

                                                                        grouping, all shared a belief there was in fact a \u201cright way to speak\u201d due to instances including interaction with adults and authority figures specifically \u201cwhite\u201d authority figures such as teachers, coaches, police officers, and mentors. This sentiment is elaborated in the discussion below with \u201cForest\u201d (Subject #9).<\/p>\n

                                                                          \n
                                                                        1. 77 \u00a0Forest: \u201cMan there was this one time, and I don\u2019t even know why it sticks with me so<\/li>\n
                                                                        2. 78 \u00a0long, you know? I just remember havin\u2019 this teacher in like middle school 7th-8th grade<\/li>\n
                                                                        3. 79 \u00a0something like that, … and I don\u2019t even remember how it got on or what not, but it was<\/li>\n
                                                                        4. 80 \u00a0about saying \u2018ain\u2019t got none.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                        5. 81 \u00a0Interviewer: \u201cLike a double negative?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                        6. 82 \u00a0F: \u201cYep, we were in class and it was like one of the first days, I had never even had the<\/li>\n
                                                                        7. 83 \u00a0guy before. I just heard \u201cOh that ole white guy, (redacted) he an asshole\u201d and blah blah<\/li>\n
                                                                        8. 84 \u00a0blah.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                        9. 85 \u00a0I: \u201cI don\u2019t mean to jump in here, because I definitely want to hear this sorry, but out of<\/li>\n
                                                                        10. 86 \u00a0curiosity who was calling (redacted) an asshole? Like, other kids in your class? Other<\/li>\n
                                                                        11. 87 \u00a0black kids? White kids?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                        12. 88 \u00a0F: \u201cI mean, most of my talk was within my social group, so it was us black kids. Unless<\/li>\n
                                                                        13. 89 \u00a0you could ball. He was a coach and the joke was like \u201cYo, (redacted) think the only good<\/li>\n
                                                                        14. 90 \u00a0little nigga is one with a jump shot. Which looking back was dumb, we we\u2019re like 12 or<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
                                                                          \n
                                                                          \n
                                                                          \n

                                                                          48<\/p>\n

                                                                            \n
                                                                          1. 91 \u00a0something?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          2. 92 \u00a0I: \u201cgot it got it, okay, so back to this double negative thing.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          3. 93 \u00a0F: \u201cRight, right, so I think I answered a question about topics for this project. He asked<\/li>\n
                                                                          4. 94 \u00a0me direct and said: I ain\u2019t got no idea. He just straight clowned on me for what felt like<\/li>\n
                                                                          5. 95 \u00a0forever. He\u2019s like up there, in front of the class being all like \u201cIf you AIN\u2019T got NO idea,<\/li>\n
                                                                          6. 96 \u00a0then you OBVIOUSLY got SOME ideas; so let\u2019s hear \u2018em. And all the class is like,<\/li>\n
                                                                          7. 97 \u00a0snickering and shit, but he just went on and on with it like he wanted to embarrass me.<\/li>\n
                                                                          8. 98 \u00a0Then I\u2019m like, trying to bring it back and was like \u201cI be trying\u201d and he just chuckled like<\/li>\n
                                                                          9. 99 \u00a0it was a joke. Over emphasizing the use of \u201cbe\u201d like, saying \u201cWell if you ain\u2019t got no<\/li>\n
                                                                          10. 100 \u00a0ideas, you best \u201cBE\u201d starting to find one.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          11. 101 \u00a0I: \u201cWere you embarrassed?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          12. 102 \u00a0F: \u201cWas that the point?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          13. 103 \u00a0I: \u201cNo, I\u2019m sorry, let me rephrase. If you could go back to that moment and try to<\/li>\n
                                                                          14. 104 \u00a0remember the thoughts or feelings of it, for YOU as a kid. How you would describe it or<\/li>\n
                                                                          15. 105 \u00a0what words would you use?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          16. 106 \u00a0F: \u201cSmall, stupid.. Yeah, that\u2019s how I\u2019d put it. Like he wasn\u2019t going to teach TO me he<\/li>\n
                                                                          17. 107 \u00a0wanted to teach ABOVE me, cause like in that moment, that\u2019s where the other kids were.<\/li>\n
                                                                          18. 108 \u00a0Now that I\u2019m older and past it, it\u2019s like, I was just talking. I wasn\u2019t trying to be hard or<\/li>\n
                                                                          19. 109 \u00a0anything. That\u2019s just how I talk.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                          20. 110 \u00a0I: To who? Parents? Other kids?<\/li>\n
                                                                          21. 111 \u00a0F: Really at that point, anyone probably. I mean talking to my mom or on the bus, with<\/li>\n
                                                                          22. 112 \u00a0my friends playing video games or what not. It always felt like that was fine and not like<\/li>\n
                                                                          23. 113 \u00a0people didn\u2019t know what I was saying. Maybe that\u2019s why I remember it, because it was<\/li>\n
                                                                          24. 114 \u00a0like the first time I was told, like, straight up by a teacher or anybody – \u201cyo the way you<\/li>\n
                                                                          25. 115 \u00a0talk is fucked up.\u201dSome of the subjects reported direct confrontation as a defining moment in which<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                            conscious thought was put into employing Standard American English, whereas others mentioned declining grades and threats of being withheld from social programs such as school sponsored sports and academic programs. These sentiments and experiences matched almost directly those scenarios Gilmore (1985) discussed of students being withheld from social programs partially due to their linguistic performance and which English style they demonstrated.<\/p>\n

                                                                            These discussions and themes also directly cross-referenced scenarios and research discussed by both Kohl (1994) and Fordham (1999) which highlighted students making a<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                            \n
                                                                            \n
                                                                            \n

                                                                            49 conscious effort to not learn because of interactions with instructors and explained how students<\/p>\n

                                                                            could be withheld from academic or social benefit due to their language usage. This sort of scenario \u201cForest\u201d explained is also validated several times in Tatum (2017) through her discussion of subordination versus domination, as well as the notion \u201cWhen feelings, rational or irrational are invalidated, most people disengage\u201d (p. 59). \u201cForest\u201d explains the overall perception of the teacher in question within his peer group and would go on to express disengaging after this incident.<\/p>\n

                                                                              \n
                                                                            1. 116 \u00a0\u201cI prolly didn\u2019t wanna learn from him, because he didn\u2019t wanna to teach me. I mean, I<\/li>\n
                                                                            2. 117 \u00a0was a kid, know what I mean? I prolly shut down in his classes more than I shoulda, but<\/li>\n
                                                                            3. 118 \u00a0it wasn\u2019t like I was a no good student or what not. I made it through and did what I had<\/li>\n
                                                                            4. 119 \u00a0to.. That kinda became my deal I guess. If I met a white teacher or something that was<\/li>\n
                                                                            5. 120 \u00a0\u2018hard\u2019 or I heard they didn\u2019t like blacks, I just shut up, tried to speak like they spoke, and<\/li>\n
                                                                            6. 121 \u00a0did my work, you know. Yessir Nossir, but it got me through. I just became second nature,<\/li>\n
                                                                            7. 122 \u00a0like, it\u2019s easier to just accept they is how you heard, and stay protected from any<\/li>\n
                                                                            8. 123 \u00a0negativity by just talking \u2018proper\u2019 as they want you to.. I got my diploma, I got a couple<\/li>\n
                                                                            9. 124 \u00a0jobs. I\u2019m making ends for me and my life.\u201d \u2013 \u201cForest\u201d (Subject #9)The more Forest explained his side of the interaction and the lasting effects it had; it<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                              became more and more apparent that these scenarios were infrequent because, in Forest\u2019s mind, they had to be. When in the presence of those he considered authority figures with a stereotype of being racist (confirmed or supposed), Forest focused on speaking less, and using what he thought \u201cthey\u201d would consider proper English (SAE). In doing so, this created less conflict and made him feel safer, like less of a target for racism, in his school. Literature as far back as Delpit (1988) describes this scenario in talking of power structures and views. Directly related here, we see one of her tenants of power in play which summarizes that those without power can identify who controls it, much more than those who actually DO have the power (p. 283).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                              \n
                                                                              \n
                                                                              \n

                                                                              50 The interesting parallel, which will be expounded on in the discussion section, is that all<\/p>\n

                                                                              10 of the subjects interviewed expressed agreement of both thoughts of a \u201cright way to talk\u201d and noted differences between AAVE and SAE; yet all who identified as being from \u201cwhite\u201d communities claimed to not see a difference in the way they spoke regardless of setting while considering the \u201cright way\u201d to be relating only to politeness and etiquette. A topic that was elaborated on by \u201cSteven\u201d (Subject #7), who was also from predominantly white (Homogenous) classification.<\/p>\n

                                                                                \n
                                                                              1. 125 \u00a0Steven: \u201cI can\u2019t remember a specific situation where I like, felt that I was in trouble for<\/li>\n
                                                                              2. 126 \u00a0talking black or using African English; but I mean, I was kinda coached that way. Like, I<\/li>\n
                                                                              3. 127 \u00a0played sports and had a coach who would always tell me \u201cit\u2019s more important that<\/li>\n
                                                                              4. 128 \u00a0people see the athlete and the student, not the color you tryna be,\u201d and I never really<\/li>\n
                                                                              5. 129 \u00a0thought that meant \u201cdon\u2019t talk black\u201d but like, parts of that were about how you talked to<\/li>\n
                                                                              6. 130 \u00a0people.. teammates, coaches, other team… you know?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                              7. 131 \u00a0Interviewer: \u201cInteresting, was he a black guy or a white guy?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                              8. 132 \u00a0Steven: \u201cHe was black. From the same community too if I remember right.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                              9. 133 \u00a0I: Looking back now, as an adult, does that statement mean the same thing that you may<\/li>\n
                                                                              10. 134 \u00a0have thought it did at the time?<\/li>\n
                                                                              11. 135 \u00a0S: \u201cI think so, maybe more like, refined? I guess.. What I\u2019m saying is like, I don\u2019t need to<\/li>\n
                                                                              12. 136 \u00a0prove my blackness through words, and I don\u2019t really need people to placate me… think I<\/li>\n
                                                                              13. 137 \u00a0need to hear them speak black to get me to relate to them. African English isn\u2019t a default<\/li>\n
                                                                              14. 138 \u00a0to me, but I can\u2019t sit here and be like, Standard English is. I think it comes and goes<\/li>\n
                                                                              15. 139 \u00a0based on scenario, and that\u2019s made me develop my own type of way to communicate.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                              16. 140 \u00a0I: \u201cSounds like you\u2019re saying you have developed your own language…\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                              17. 141 \u00a0S: (chuckles) \u201cNaw man, I guess I\u2019m saying that I don\u2019t consider the way I talk to be a<\/li>\n
                                                                              18. 142 \u00a0specific culture identifier as a black man… and so I don\u2019t think other people need to think<\/li>\n
                                                                              19. 143 \u00a0that way about how I talk either.\u201dThis sort of language style wasn\u2019t displayed for self-preservation, it was seemingly just<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                                done because it was expected. \u201cSteven\u201d did not associate his coach\u2019s directions as playing into belief of a correct way to speak in a white community; rather he believed it was specifically relating to the traits of being a quality athlete, teammate, and student. Through my discussion with Steven, it could be considered that this sort of mantra has impacted his overall view of<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                                \n
                                                                                \n
                                                                                \n

                                                                                51 communication style and perception of self. Contrary to these statements, their interviews would<\/p>\n

                                                                                lead to acknowledging this same difference between black and white voice in discussion of social interactions both interracially and otherwise.
                                                                                \nLanguage in Professional Environments<\/p>\n

                                                                                Professional environments were the area which caused the greatest amount of disparity between responses of interviewed subjects. The thoughts, observations, and described scenarios hinged greatly on the type of work being done. Of the 10 subjects interviewed, 5 held positions which could be considered \u201cdirectly customer facing\u201d including telecommunicated or face to face sales environments, 2 held managerial positions, and 1 worked in real estate. Whereas the subject, \u201cTerry\u201d (Subject #4) suggested he was often engaged through various networking and referral practices thus admitted to generally working with more African-American clients than white clients. He also mentioned feeling much more comfortable in using AAVE or just being comfortable with whichever dialect chosen because clients already had a pre-existing awareness of them and their career achievements due to previously described recommendations.<\/p>\n

                                                                                Those subjects working in call center sales environments reported a much different feeling of language or dialectal choices. This notion was explained best by \u201cJermaine\u201d (Subject #2) who stated:<\/p>\n

                                                                                  \n
                                                                                1. 144 \u00a0\u201cThe first thing that people hear or know of me or my company is my voice… So I have to<\/li>\n
                                                                                2. 145 \u00a0think about it before even dialing the number, you know? If I\u2019m calling Mr. X, I need to<\/li>\n
                                                                                3. 146 \u00a0have an idea of who Mr. X is and who he may be more interested in buying from,<\/li>\n
                                                                                4. 147 \u00a0especially if I\u2019m like, calling into Indiana or a small town in Kentucky.\u201d \u201cJermaine\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                5. 148 \u00a0(Subject #2)
                                                                                  \nThis sentiment was echoed by all of those with experience in call centers, regardless of<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                                  academic achievement, cultural orientation, or community upbringing. When initial engagement<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                                  \n
                                                                                  \n
                                                                                  \n

                                                                                  52 with someone in a professional environment is done without a support structure of referral or<\/p>\n

                                                                                  existing awareness; subjects were more inclined to speak in a professional manner which fell in line with the usage of Standard American English. Simply put, they made the choice to do so as a strategy which they believed lead to more success. This could go either direction, as subjects also admitted to switching to AAVE when calling into communities considered to be much more urban, or if the contact\u2019s name considered \u201cblack\u201d. \u201cJermaine\u201d continued:<\/p>\n

                                                                                    \n
                                                                                  1. 149 \u00a0\u201cIf I\u2019m calling and I look at a contact and it\u2019s a \u201cLequon\u201d or like \u201cTanisha\u201d or<\/li>\n
                                                                                  2. 150 \u00a0something, I can probably drop the show. It\u2019s easier to connect. Then I\u2019m all about<\/li>\n
                                                                                  3. 151 \u00a0helping them to relax and cutting it up… I mean, it\u2019s not like I\u2019m the token white voice on<\/li>\n
                                                                                  4. 152 \u00a0the line. Man, I tell you it\u2019d surprise you to know how many black people hate it a little<\/li>\n
                                                                                  5. 153 \u00a0less when a black telemarketer call. (laughs) it\u2019s like, shit I know that feeling too. I<\/li>\n
                                                                                  6. 154 \u00a0answer the phone like, aw shit that\u2019s just my brotha just doin\u2019 his job.\u201d \u2013 \u201cJermaine\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                                    150 (Subject #2)<\/p>\n

                                                                                    Conversations like this demonstrate the power which comes with independent choice of style or codeswitching for professional gain. Though switching between dialects is a tool and a talent which can be refined and developed; the subjects also show a certain protection of the language\u2019s authenticity. Whereas it felt inappropriate for some to be spoken to in AAVE by white peers or supervisors professionally, switching between AAVE and SAE was a tool thatcould be used while building a successful career. The excerpt of my interview with \u201cTerry\u201d (Subject #4) expounds on this notion.<\/p>\n

                                                                                      \n
                                                                                    1. 156 \u00a0Terry: \u201cI think, my experiences in as a Realtor has definitely taught me things about how<\/li>\n
                                                                                    2. 157 \u00a0I use black or white language, or how other people use it on me. I get a lot of clients<\/li>\n
                                                                                    3. 158 \u00a0through referral, a lot of black clients because, well, that\u2019s who I just happened to build a<\/li>\n
                                                                                    4. 159 \u00a0network through… and a lot of those referral business comes to me and they be saying<\/li>\n
                                                                                    5. 160 \u00a0\u201chey, so and so felt super comfortable with you and told us to look your way..\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                    6. 161 \u00a0Interviewer: \u201cWhy would you think that is?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                    7. 162 \u00a0T: \u201cHonestly? I think it\u2019s because some home buyers can get overwhelmed. Especially<\/li>\n
                                                                                    8. 163 \u00a0African American home buyers because of all the stereotypes you know? The thought we<\/li>\n
                                                                                    9. 164 \u00a0can\u2019t get a loan, or pay bills.. or that our houses won\u2019t sell.. and that can make this<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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                                                                                      \n

                                                                                      53<\/p>\n

                                                                                        \n
                                                                                      1. 169 \u00a0T: \u201cBecause my clients, predominantly black, can trust me because I\u2019m authentic. At the<\/li>\n
                                                                                      2. 170 \u00a0same point, I have a very polished and articulate dialogue I use when I speak with other<\/li>\n
                                                                                      3. 171 \u00a0realtors or represent my clients, especially to white folk. (chuckles) For real I think I sell<\/li>\n
                                                                                      4. 172 \u00a0more homes to black people because they know I can talk that \u201cwhite talk\u201d, and my bosses<\/li>\n
                                                                                      5. 173 \u00a0love me because I can \u201ctalk black\u201d and get that business, so it\u2019s coming and going.\u201dThe comfort level described by both \u201cTerry\u201d and \u201cJermaine\u201d is description echoed<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                                        through experiences shared by all subjects which were classified as \u201cDiverse\u201d due to a socioeconomically diverse upbringing. From building relationships with the goal of hitting metrics or establishing a network of contacts in a challenging market, to simply feeling comfortable in a place of work during a difficult day; there would appear to be positive reasons behind codeswitching while using AAVE as a black person in a professional setting. The opinion expressed in the interview highlighted below, relates back to research of Katz (1997) and Garner (1983) which both express the importance of ritual and speech pattern to communicate while celebrating cultural identity.<\/p>\n

                                                                                          \n
                                                                                        1. 174 \u00a0Danny: \u201cThere was a time I worked at this greasy breakfast spot, right? And like,<\/li>\n
                                                                                        2. 175 \u00a0literally every weekend we be getting slammed by all the old folks comin\u2019 out of church.<\/li>\n
                                                                                        3. 176 \u00a0Which is fine, you know, get them they food and whatever, but let\u2019s be honest, lot of white<\/li>\n
                                                                                        4. 177 \u00a0families. So when the rare black family came in, and I\u2019m runnin\u2019 all crazy like \u201cyes sir,<\/li>\n
                                                                                        5. 178 \u00a0right away, I\u2019ll get you those pancakes.\u201d it was good to see a well-dressed black man out<\/li>\n
                                                                                        6. 179 \u00a0with his family and be able to serve them. Like a change of pace. They stop me at some<\/li>\n
                                                                                        7. 180 \u00a0point and be like \u201chow you doin\u2019 my brotha, see you puttin\u2019 in that work, keep grindin\u2019<\/li>\n
                                                                                        8. 181 \u00a0young blood..\u201d Like, respectin me doin this job and hustlin\u2019. felt good.. I mean it didn\u2019t<\/li>\n
                                                                                        9. 182 \u00a0happen a lot.. felt real or true though \u2013 and that\u2019s what I remember bout it.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                        10. 183 \u00a0I:\u201cDid other customers (other white customers) ever compliment your work?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                        11. 184 \u00a0D: \u201cYeah, brotha I was fast and good at my job. But when it came from a white guy it felt<\/li>\n
                                                                                        12. 185 \u00a0more mechanic or arbitrary. Like \u201coh you guys are so busy, must be making good tips\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                        13. 186 \u00a0or \u201ceverything was great, thank you\u201d or \u201cyou\u2019re good at your job\u201d.<\/li>\n
                                                                                        14. 187 \u00a0I: How are those statements different?<\/li>\n
                                                                                        15. 188 \u00a0D: I think because one is relating to me and my hustle, feeling like I know I ain\u2019t trying to<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
                                                                                          \n
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                                                                                          1. 165 \u00a0ocean of white realtors just look like sharks. Maybe they think they\u2019re not going to get<\/li>\n
                                                                                          2. 166 \u00a0shown good homes or if they\u2019re selling a home that it\u2019s going to sit because it\u2019ll be<\/li>\n
                                                                                          3. 167 \u00a0tougher to sell.<\/li>\n
                                                                                          4. 168 \u00a0I: \u201cOk, so how does language help you with that?\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
                                                                                            \n
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                                                                                            \n

                                                                                            54<\/p>\n

                                                                                              \n
                                                                                            1. 189 \u00a0be here forever and I\u2019m doing the best I can now to succeed… and the other just feels like<\/li>\n
                                                                                            2. 190 \u00a0something you say to someone. I\u2019m good at my job? Thanks. I mean, it\u2019s serving<\/li>\n
                                                                                            3. 191 \u00a0pancakes bro, it ain\u2019t hard.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                            4. 192 \u00a0I: Right, so it felt impersonal or canned\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                            5. 193 \u00a0D: Yeah, that\u2019s a good way to put that. Like… you know when you walk by a person and<\/li>\n
                                                                                            6. 194 \u00a0you like just say \u201chow you doing?\u201d then walk by. You don\u2019t really want to know, you just<\/li>\n
                                                                                            7. 195 \u00a0say it to be pleasant. I\u2019d get bunches of compliments sure, just like you get bunches of<\/li>\n
                                                                                            8. 196 \u00a0\u201chave a good night\u201d, but it was the ones that related to me that I appreciated more.<\/li>\n
                                                                                            9. 197 \u00a0I: Just out of curiosity here, but, in your estimations, could a white family say that to<\/li>\n
                                                                                            10. 198 \u00a0you? What if a white guy said \u201cI see you grindin\u2019 young blood.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                            11. 199 \u00a0D: You know what (pauses for reflection) No actually. It wouldn\u2019t mean the same unless I<\/li>\n
                                                                                            12. 200 \u00a0knew them. If it was just some 60 year old white dude, I\u2019d be like \u2018what?\u2019 you know? You<\/li>\n
                                                                                            13. 201 \u00a0don\u2019t expect that person to talk that way so it\u2019s different.<\/li>\n
                                                                                            14. 202 \u00a0I: If they did, let\u2019s just say it happened. What\u2019s the first word that would come to your<\/li>\n
                                                                                            15. 203 \u00a0mind (presently) to describe that interaction?<\/li>\n
                                                                                            16. 204 \u00a0D: Condescending. Like, sorry man, enjoy your pancakes but gratuity in cash is a better<\/li>\n
                                                                                            17. 205 \u00a0gesture, you know?\u201dInterestingly, \u201cDanny\u201d, who has moved on from restaurant life and now owns his own<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                                              retail store after earning an M.B.A., would go on to explain a scenario in which he did not appreciate the use of African American English. That when it is delivered in a form that can be considered overly aggressive.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                \n
                                                                                              1. 206 \u00a0Danny: \u201cI guess I don\u2019t notice when I\u2019m fine with it, right? Feels normal, but I do notice<\/li>\n
                                                                                              2. 207 \u00a0it when its coming off more aggressive.. or like they putting on a show in my store.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                              3. 208 \u00a0Interviewer: \u201cHow do you define aggressive in retail environment?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                              4. 209 \u00a0D: \u201cPeople that don\u2019t know me, or even those who do.. I mean, my shop is in (redacted)<\/li>\n
                                                                                              5. 210 \u00a0so we\u2019ve got a lot of gentrification of an area of (redacted) that\u2019s becoming whiter,<\/li>\n
                                                                                              6. 211 \u00a0generally speaking. But we still got that halfway house, you know… and we right by the<\/li>\n
                                                                                              7. 212 \u00a0bus and train, so it can get… raw at times.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                              8. 213 \u00a0I: \u201cOkay, so you\u2019re saying your store can be diverse at times?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                              9. 214 \u00a0D: \u201cRight, that\u2019s good. So like, if a guy comes in and I have a store of white patrons just<\/li>\n
                                                                                              10. 215 \u00a0getting off of work, they don\u2019t need to hear a guy spouting the \u2018n\u2019 word or associate me<\/li>\n
                                                                                              11. 216 \u00a0with it, even in a friendly way. You know, come in and walk up to the counter with thick<\/li>\n
                                                                                              12. 217 \u00a0black language… I feel like it separates me from my clientele.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                              13. 218 \u00a0I: \u201cGreat, so you think it\u2019s a tool or strategy of sort? What kind of tool or device would<\/li>\n
                                                                                              14. 219 \u00a0you say it is, and why use it?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                              15. 220 \u00a0D: \u201cI think, it the wrong context it be like, using language to present. Like this isn\u2019t<\/li>\n
                                                                                              16. 221 \u00a0actual language, and we don\u2019t actually talk to each other like this… So you doin\u2019 that is<\/li>\n
                                                                                              17. 222 \u00a0just for yourself to show you think you have power over the room… and maybe like by<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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                                                                                                55<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  \n
                                                                                                1. 223 \u00a0referring to me and trying to bring me into that dialogue, you\u2019re trying to present that<\/li>\n
                                                                                                2. 224 \u00a0power as if me and you both got it…\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                                3. 225 \u00a0I: \u201cAnd in that scenario you don\u2019t want to acknowledge that power move?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                                4. 226 \u00a0D: \u201cNo, not at all.. I\u2019m like brutha you got the wrong one. (laughs). I just people to come<\/li>\n
                                                                                                5. 227 \u00a0in, feel comfortable, and purchase stuff you know? You start making white people feel<\/li>\n
                                                                                                6. 228 \u00a0like they can\u2019t come in, ain\u2019t no different than makin\u2019 blacks feel the same.<\/li>\n
                                                                                                7. 229 \u00a0I: \u201cWhat if it\u2019s all black people in the shop?\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                                8. 230 \u00a0D: I don\u2019t think that changes. I mean yeah, be you. Talk to me like you would, cut it up<\/li>\n
                                                                                                9. 231 \u00a0with me for a bit. It\u2019s all good you know, but still ain\u2019t gotta be aggressive or force others<\/li>\n
                                                                                                10. 232 \u00a0to hear your choice to be speaking that way. Yeah, it\u2019s great to see brothers out living in<\/li>\n
                                                                                                11. 233 \u00a0my community doing good, but ain\u2019t no need for a show, especially if we all respect<\/li>\n
                                                                                                12. 234 \u00a0eachother as equal.\u201d<\/li>\n
                                                                                                13. 235 \u00a0I: \u201cSo am I right to say you think that sort of show or usage of black language is<\/li>\n
                                                                                                14. 236 \u00a0disrespectful? If so why would you suggest that?<\/li>\n
                                                                                                15. 237 \u00a0D: \u201cYeah, I think so. Talking black to me is about culture and respect to me as it is a way<\/li>\n
                                                                                                16. 238 \u00a0to speak. So like, it doesn\u2019t have to be thrown around to the point it sounds like a parody<\/li>\n
                                                                                                17. 239 \u00a0of itself.. We\u2019ve done well to preserve our culture in the (redacted) community. Stuff like<\/li>\n
                                                                                                18. 240 \u00a0that is counter-productive.. also it\u2019s like, I see you brother. See me, and respect me just<\/li>\n
                                                                                                19. 241 \u00a0like that.\u201d\u201cDanny\u201d brings up an interesting point which will be referenced further in the discussion<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                                                                                                  section, but it ties into the previously reviewed literature suggesting the attempt of brokering for linguistic and cultural authenticity discussed by (Katz, 1997). Furthermore, this demonstrates an appreciation of African American Vernacular English as a cultural marker; one of which this subject agrees is a useful identifier of the soul and importance behind a language, confirming the statements and research of both Brown (1977) and Speicher and McMahon (1992).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  Chapter 5: Discussion<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                                                  \n
                                                                                                  \n

                                                                                                  The consideration of all responses of interviewed subjects demonstrates thematic consistency exists which allows room for elaboration and further discussion. These primary connections serve as the foundation in which to better understand the African American male perspective of codeswitching between AAVE and SAE as a whole. Thematic conclusions were drawn based on consistency in the understanding of the two unique dialects as communication forms. Connection was also found in reports of socioeconomic experiences and background, overall perception of white people using AAVE directly to African Americans, and the perceived need to codeswitch based on familiarity or status.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Furthermore, it attempts to better understand the original research question being: How do African American males use codeswitching in educational, social, and professional settings. In attempting this research while unpacking the time spent with these 10 research subjects, the challenge of addressing that specific question would become more and more evident. As the research data would indicate, driving interview questions were directed more towards specific situations; but responses were based more on interpersonal feeling, memory, and perception. Through time spent learning of the specific plights and opinions of the research subjects, more prevalent themes began to show themselves while demonstrating the impact had on these individuals.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Speaking personally, I went into this research topic while trying to answer the question of \u201chow\u201d; which I now feel can only be best understood through analysis of the underlying question. Simply put, my question of \u201chow\u201d turned into \u201cwhy\u201d. Through coding these interviews and attempting to draw thematic correlation, I now believe the \u201cwhy\u201d questions control the<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  56<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  57 \u201chow\u201d questions of codeswitching. This is done through coloring the usage with hues slanted and<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  skewed by perceptions which were created and fostered through cultural experiences developed within their respectively differentiated communities. The reaction to interactions about AAVE and SAE language, and developed perceptions appear to be responsible for a large part of how the interview subjects use codeswitching as adults. In other words, the results discussed suggests the causality of how codeswitching is currently used can be found in how language usage was addressed with the subjects through a composite of social and academic experiences The biggest differentiating factor was not \u201chow\u201d black males use codeswitching in professional, social, and educational lives \u2013 but are they actually able to identify and articulate why they codeswitch, or the significance it may or may not have.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  To better comprehend this notion, the need to learn more about these specific situations became paramount. Meeting with the research subjects over time, I could not help but unpack their experiences compared to the literature I had reviewed. Without even identifying the sources, or sometimes even expressing knowledge of a potential theme, answers would fit directly into the considerations outlined in the literature review. Themes like the cultural importance of black language (Dalby, 1972; Tatum, 2017) resonated in the responses provided.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  As highlighted in the research section of this thesis, interviewed subjects\u2019 given opinions regarding unique traits of African American Vernacular English were consistent. Subjects shared opinions describing AAVE as a language of \u201cculture\u201d or \u201csoul\u201d which Brown (1977) supported in his research generations ago. Furthermore, Brown summarized the perspective suggesting black\u2019s viewed white people focused on phonetic accuracy in their attempts of using black language, often missing the true soul of the word\u2019s usage and origin. This idea is also<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  58 supported by interviewed subjects who admitted to viewing SAE as a \u201cbusiness language\u201d meant<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  for communication of idea or need, not cultural connection. As a language teacher, I admit to being intrigued by these responses, especially that of \u201cMichael\u201d regarding the matter. Perception of AAVE and SAE<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  As a language teacher completing my M.A degree and preparing to teach foreign students, I am aware of the false pretenses that surround language educators on an international level. I have also witnessed these linguistic stereotypes manifest themselves through employment opportunities under the guise of what international companies may consider \u201cnative\u201d English. I never considered the idea that the instruction being demanded (or given) in such a large scale could have sustaining impact on the both the perception of English development, or the language as a form of communication. Nor did I consider the idea that any sort of evolution of English language could happen due to the influence of non-native speakers. Simply put, the stereotypes and perceptions behind international consideration of \u201cnative\u201d English could in fact further stigmatize English against its various dialects. Meanwhile, the exact antithesis of this scenario has been a long-known part of African American Vernacular English and its evolution. As far back as Dalby (1972), the notion of other languages influencing AAVE was based on the perseverance of black culture and safety. African traders would codeswitch to keep European settlers from understanding true intent, and slaves would encode words to their own meaning as to discuss potential escape plans or situations they did not want their owners to become aware of. When this word began to become recognized, it was dropped from the vocabulary, as Dalby noted \u201cBlack Americans have always had a legitimate reason for concealing information from white people.\u201d (p. 174). This could even be considered in popular culture, as we\u2019ve seen words<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  59 such as \u201cdope\u201d (good) \u201cJive\u201d (dance) virtually vanish shortly after the generation the terms were<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  appropriated in began pushing them to the mainstream. Giving Dalby\u2019s words their due while comparing them to my thoughts on the potential influences on SAE, it could be considered that AAVE is both maintained and evolved by its own culture.
                                                                                                  \nSocioeconomic and Cultural Effects on Language Usage<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  One notable area of interest pertained directly to the perception around a perceived requirement to switch dialects as students or young learners. To best understand the differing perspectives and consider how said opinions could have manifested, credence must be given to the roles socioeconomic status and educational background played. Of the 10 subjects interviewed 4 described childhood as growing up in more affluent neighborhoods, being one of very few black children in the neighborhood and attending what could be considered upper-class (Homogenous) school systems. The remaining research subjects all reported growing up in culturally diverse (Diverse) communities and school systems which were stated as lower on the socioeconomic ladder.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  These four subjects interviewed which identified growing up in white neighborhoods all shared a similar opinion which leads to contradictory answers in follow up questions. Simply put, all summarized that they did not believe they \u201chad\u201d to codeswitch between African American English and Standard American English, because there was effectually no right or wrong way to communicate; importance relied on the ability to manufacture and distribute language in a code which could be understood. These beliefs were reinforced through explanations in which language usage was instructed in ways that did not include conflict or result in direct self-evaluations. While analyzing these testimonials, I could not help but consider<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  60 their correlation to Wenworth and Patterson\u2019s (2001) study on female college students with varying degrees of socioeconomic and racial backgrounds. Summarizing their findings, the<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  research indicated that despite similar situations which could be considered \u201cdesperate\u201d, white females had recalled moments where they \u201ccaught a lucky break\u201d. They often had situations where they could work out lease arrangements or didn\u2019t have to go through thorough background checks for apartments, for example. Yes, there were different factors which lowered their status or social power level such as socioeconomic background, their gender, sexuality, being a single mother; but what counted in their favor was that they were white. This concept of power in society both as a whole and in academia specifically, was also considered in other discussed works by Tatum (2017) and Delpit (1988). This made me consider the notion that the segregation of socioeconomic factors while developing in an affluent social structure could feasibly cause a level of obliviousness to certain scenarios of codeswitching. Going back to Tatum\u2019smethodology in diagnosing power, this level of socioeconomic status during development (black male\u2013Homogenous v. black male\u2013Diverse) could have blinded some of the subjects to the subtle opportunities they were afforded; namely the opportunity to develop thoughts on language usage without fear of peril or reprisal. As a researcher, I cannot help but connect these dots while understanding them as important markers as to why the interviewed black males from\u201cHomogenous\u201d classified backgrounds largely struggled to express their complete thoughts and feelings on codeswitching; but still knew they felt something.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  This was expressed in later portions of interviews, where the same 4 subjects admitted to feeling different in scenarios which were more culturally diverse or they were surrounded by peers of similar race. These statements can be summarized as leaving the subjects feeling at ease<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  61 or more enriched by the surroundings or the conversations. As a college student who is also an instructor, one that has held professional positions before, I can understand and appreciate the<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  idea that it does feel \u2018easier\u2019 to talk to people in my social structure or peer group, who know me as me \u2013 not as an educator or colleague. But this notion could be drilled into further if considering racial, cultural, or linguistic context. I could not help but connect the social classifications and academic experience to subjects being able to identify the specific reasons as to why they felt more at ease speaking in AAVE.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Perceived Importance of AAVE in Socioeconomically Diverse Communities<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  This scenario was referenced by everyone interviewed, but those from communities considered \u201cDiverse\u201d were able to more fully explain why they felt this way. Based on data collected, a correlation could be made to a lack of a mentor confronting them about their language usage. More consideration or credence could be given to Tatum (2017) and the notion that black constancy does not develop in African-Americans until the age of 6 or 7, and thus the dominant culture has affected the child \u2013 considerably to the point they want to be white. Now, I\u2019m not suggesting this is the case entirely, however this could be another factor supporting why all four subjects classified into \u201cHomogenous\u201d grouping struggled to explain why it felt easier to connect using AAVE in an all-black environment. Further correlation could be associated with Tatum\u2019s (2017) statements on subordinate\/dominant culture that exists in young adult education social structures, when children first begin to discover who they are and compare it to the world around them. This includes taking on the opinions (logical or illogical) of the group they identify themselves with. In \u201cHomogenous\u201d communities, it should be noted that all subjects did not have a peer group which could be considered culturally diverse while they developed into maturity.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  62 Their interactions and experiences had were based on largely white peer groups with largely<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  white teachers.
                                                                                                  \nThis sort of social grouping and power dynamic paints a starkly different picture as to<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  that expressed by the interviewed subjects which were of classified in \u201cDiverse\u201d. These students shared stories of direct confrontations with instructors and peer groups and support structures that were largely African American. They were more influenced by an African American culture that was embraced in social contexts, as well as the thoughts and opinions of their identified peer group. When needing support after difficulties or confrontations such as described in the research, these students found support in other black students who were often dealing with (or had dealt with) similar struggles.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Why these summations are important is because they directly oppose prior considerations of value in using AAVE as a cultural connection point. Restating this succinctly, all four subjects believed in the importance of AAVE as a cultural language but stated they did not agree on the existence of a \u2018right or wrong\u2019 way to communicate. When questioned further on this discrepancy, those same 4 subjects stated varying accounts of not feeling pressured to codeswitch in educational\u2013 because as one subject stated: \u201cthey knew better\u201d (subject #1). This was a stark difference from the viewpoints and experiences shared in interviews of their research counterparts from lower income and more diverse communities.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  The discussion and noted differences here can be linked directly back to Delpit (1988) and considerations of the five tenants of power within pedagogy. Namely, the concept that those who have power in academia (white people as being the primary source of instruction, direction, and instructional material) indicate and reinforce the direction or appropriateness of language,<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  63 intentionally or otherwise (p. 282). Delpit reinforces this concept, summarizing that those most<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  able to view power structures are those who do not have any. (p. 283). Considering Delpit\u2019s views and how they relate to the interviewed subject responses on this matter, correlation can be found regarding subjects\u2019 feeling of empowerment based on socioeconomic background and its related academic experience, the perception of power and how it is viewed by young learners, and the impact of personal perception of vernacular value. Simply put, based on interview data collected and researched material consideration could be made that a student is more apt to recognize power if they come from an environment which they feel they have none. The more affluent students recognized the power of instructors and \u201cknew better\u201d than to speak incorrectly; but they conceivably found it less impactful because they were viewing the experiences from more empowered positions than their less affluent counterparts.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  \u201cDiverse\u201d student descriptions of these same occurrences were much more direct and specific. If certain peripheral information was forgotten in the years since the events occurred, memories still focused on feelings, statements, or parts of the interaction which have impacted not only the student\u2019s thoughts on language, but also how it is used and who uses it. Perception of White People using AAVE<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Considering reviewed literature and the discussion created through analyzing thematic consistency amongst researched subjects, results would indicate the perception of power as a significant factor in the African American male\u2019s perception of white people\u2019s usage of AAVE. Whereas \u201cDiverse\u201d subjects were more vocal in their descriptions of the codeswitching using adjectives such as \u201ccondescending\u201d or \u201cunauthentic\u201d, those from communities classified as\u201cHomogenous\u201d used descriptors such as \u201cunnecessary\u201d. Homogenous students grew up being<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  64 told more-or-less that speaking white was the key to success. These same students, as adults,<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  struggle more so with white people using AAVE because it was the confrontational influence of white instructors and mentors which shaped this perception. If it\u2019s so wrong to talk like a black person, then why is my white colleague or boss doing so?
                                                                                                  \nRestrictions and Limitations<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  The most obvious limitation of this research study must be considered the sheer number of subjects interviewed. Though the 10 interviewed subjects paint an accurate picture of their experiences as individuals developing perception of language usage in diverse settings; it cannot be considered a complete representation of the entire African American position on the matter.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Furthermore, this research is limited in scope of employed positions held as it focuses more towards interactional employment of various sales positions. This step was done intentionally to focus more on positions which required specific skills of language and communication. Further consideration could be made as to the perception of language usage within other career fields, as well as developed perceptions in more refined socioeconomic classifications.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Another limitation could be found in the varying environments in which interviews were conducted. As some interviews were conducted via online conferences, the extenuating circumstances of the interviewee\u2019s environment could have determined the amount of focus towards questions, or the general interest in partaking in the interview at any given moment. Though this could have been remedied through dedicating one uniform meeting environment to conduct all interviews; that step was not feasible due to proximity and time restrictions of both the interview candidates and the researcher.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  65 Limitation must be stated as the educational accomplishments of these research subjects<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  falls far removed from traditional statistics of African American educational achievement percentages. This could cause differentiation in responses based on educational experience and collegiate completion, which suggests this research represents a smaller sample of the demographic.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Finally, limitations must be considered in the answers provided by interviewed subjects and the correlated subsequent results for multiple reasons. Firstly, I am willing to except the consideration that my status as a white male may have skewed answers provided by research subjects. As there is a level of gatekeeping or protection of language perception that has been discussed in this research; it is only fair to consider this sort of action lead to the providing of potentially limited or augmented responses. Secondly, research could be hindered by the fact that, regardless of socioeconomic scope, not all subjects were able to provide insight when prompted by interview questions. These sorts of omissions could play a part in the connection of thematic relevance among answers provided, thus further skewing both the data collected and subsequent thematic analysis.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  Chapter 6: Conclusion<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

                                                                                                  \n
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                                                                                                  Through researching the above literature, coding hours of interview data, and finding thematic correlation, it can be concluded that early influences of socioeconomic status, race, and power in social and academic settings can directly influence the perception adult African American males have pertaining to usage of African American Vernacular English and its usage; as well as influence their thoughts regarding codeswitching between AAVE and Standard American English.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  Interviewed subjects leant thematic relevance to the notion that codeswitching in professional environments can have both positive and negative effects, situationally speaking. Interviewed subjects with relevant thought on the matter discussed occurrences where using AAVE or codeswitching to SAE helped them to win business or build professional relationships. Though not all of the subjects could actually express direct instances in which this happened, virtually all could identify or associate with the feelings they caused. Whereas using SAE would help build professional relatability; AAVE discourse, when used appropriately in a way that was socially and interpersonally aware, helped the employee to better relate black professionals to their black clients through cultural connection.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  In educational settings, the amount of codeswitching or rationale behind its usage relied heavily on interaction with mentors, fear of repercussions in academic or social life, and socioeconomic background. Again, in this instance it would seem as though effect or reprisal lead to decisions as to when codeswitching was needed. Regardless of socioeconomic (Diverse or Homogenous) status, there was a need for approval through speaking in whatever way was deemed correct. Though this was largely portrayed as speaking in SAE, it was perceived based<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  66<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  67 on several factors ranging from \u201ccorrect\u201d or \u201cacademic\u201d to talking \u201clike a white person\u201d; and<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  was a requirement to develop into a successful student or community member. Whether directly or indirectly, the choices of these students to employ codeswitching strategies was based largely on the extenuating circumstances and interpersonal decision to either relate to a community or peer group, or to succeed in a way that was prescribed. The creation of this sort of mentality could have last effects which demonstrate themselves in language production choices of African American males, continuing into adulthood and professional careers<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  As expressed earlier in the discussion, social usage of AAVE seemed to resonate with all subjects interviewed. Some could explain them wholeheartedly, while others struggled to eloquently provide insight into their thoughts on the topic. Within social structures which would be considered culturally relevant (hanging out socially with other black people), the usage of AAVE was a natural communication pattern which tied back to shared cultural experiences. The black males interviewed primarily viewed codeswitching to SAE in this environment as more of an inclusionary tactic meant to welcome other cultures into community conversation; almost as a means of gatekeeping and creating a space for all to take part. The amount of codeswitching fluctuates based on awareness of the outside parties, and their connection to the group as a whole.<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  This study has furthered my understanding of African American Vernacular English and how it has developed and impacted society. I conclude this research with a greater consciousness of how perceptions of dialect and language can form while having a significant and lasting impact and influence on how language users codeswitch. Though true comprehension and conclusion rests in the expansion of the study to a much larger scale; I do believe this thesis lays<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  68 the groundwork for greater awareness of how our interactions and perceptions of language, as<\/p>\n

                                                                                                  educators, can influence our students and colleagues of other cultures and races. The same who\u2019s lives we aim to enrich with knowledge and empower with the ability to impact positive change on the world.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  69<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  References<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  Brown, C. (1977). The language of soul. In T. Kochman (Ed.), Rappin’ and stylin’ out: Communication in urban black America (pp. 134-139). Urbana, IL: University of<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  Delpit, L. (1988). The silenced dialogue: Power and pedagogy in educating other people’s<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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                                                                                                  Garner, T. (1983). Playing the dozens: Folklore as strategies for living. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 69(1), 47-57. doi:10.1080\/00335638309383634<\/p>\n

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                                                                                                  70 Holt, G. S. (1972). “Inversion” in black communication. In T. Kochman (Ed.), Rappin’ and<\/p>\n

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