1. An Epidemiological Assessment of Domestic Violence

Ismaila Z. Mohammed, Aminu F Mohammed, and Wendy Regoeczi

In this chapter, we will examine the forms and extent of domestic violence in Kano, a core settlement of the Hausa community in Northern Nigeria. Domestic violence is the primary form of male violence (physical or psychological) against women, and the prevalence of domestic violence in a society is often a reflection of gender inequality. More broadly, however, the concept of domestic violence encompasses any violence within the family. Currently, domestic violence is not a widely discussed issue in the Hausa community of Kano, where people may not view it as a crime because of the absence of any legal framework. Domestic violence involves physical, sexual, and psychological violence that occurs within the family and is perpetuated by one member of the family against another. Anecdotal evidence indicates that domestic violence is a common occurrence throughout Nigeria and takes many forms including violence between co-wives. Violence is assumed to be a pervasive, ubiquitous, and inevitable part of the human condition. It is seen, therefore, as something to which to respond, but not something to be prevented. However, violence can and should be prevented considering its costs in terms of the impact on the victim’s health and the burden it places on health institutions. In many societies in Nigeria, however, not only is domestic violence considered a private affair, one to be dealt with in the home, but wife battering is considered both culturally acceptable and a normal way of life in some Nigerian communities (Omonubi-McDonald, 2003).

Domestic violence also involves psychological and emotional abuse such as verbal abuse, harassment, confinement, deprivation of financial and personal resources, repeated threats of divorce, and a curtailing of contact with family members. Domestic violence is a social problem that cuts across the society. According Landau (2001), over the last two decades, female partner battering has become an issue of general public concern. Even though the problem is considered a social problem, only a small fraction of domestic abuse is reported to the police or other social agencies. Nwonkwo (2003) reported that in 2000 there were 25 cases of women in Nigeria who were allegedly murdered by their husbands. In comparison, approximately 512 women were murdered by their husbands and an additional 95 women were murdered by ex-husbands and common-law husbands in the U.S. in 2000 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000). In Nigeria and northern Nigeria in particular, the police lack the confidence of the public, and many incidences of domestic violence occur without intervention by law officers.

Violence is a universal phenomenon that affects almost all communities. Violence affects communities by generating instability, tension, and threats to the life, health, and happiness of members of the community. More than 1.6 million people lose their lives to violence each year, while many more receive injuries and suffer from wide ranging physical, sexual, reproductive, and mental health problems in the process (World Health Organization, 2002). The family institution, which is the basic unit of the society and is supposed to be characterized by support, understanding, and care, sometimes becomes a hostile environment. This conflict-ridden atmosphere may result from frustrations associated with economic downturn and a breakdown of moral values. Women are often the ones subjected to this hostility due to the patriarchal nature of the Hausa society, socialization processes, and the misrepresentation of religion. Furthermore, some of the laws, both customary and statutory, legitimize the subordination of women. For instance, section 55 of the Penal Code of Northern Nigeria endorses the beating of women as a means of chastising or disciplining them. The problem is further compounded by the weak economic position of women in Nigeria, a lack of resources to be on their own in the event of divorce, and the desire to remain in the home in order to take care of her children. Furthermore, the lack of a social welfare scheme has forced women to condone domestic violence despite its negative consequence to other women and children. Thus, this chapter seeks to determine the dimension and magnitude of domestic violence in the Hausa society of Kano.

In contrast to the lack of research and attention given to the issue of domestic violence in Nigeria, a large volume of studies have been conducted on intimate partner and family violence in the U.S., particularly within the last 25 years. Estimates of the types, prevalence, and patterns of intimate partner violence have been derived from the National Crime Victimization Survey, the National Family Violence Survey, and, more recently, the Violence Against Women Survey. The substantial body of research and reports produced from these survey data provide extensive information on the nature and extent of the domestic violence problem in the U.S. and provide an important source of comparative data for cross-cultural comparisons.

This chapter examines the types and levels of violence against women within the Hausa family. The chapter conceptualizes and measures violence against spouses and co-wives to discover the various indicators of violence against women in Hausa culture. Additionally, this chapter gives insight into some neglected aspects of violence in the Hausa community. The preliminary data collected provide information on the extent and content of violence against women in Kano communities. Specifically, the study has investigated the form and magnitude of violence against women within the family with the aim of raising awareness as to the extent of the problem of violence against women.

Women in Muslim Hausa Society

In Sub-Saharan Africa, women often lack access to education, credit, and active involvement in the economic sector. In Nigeria, women are constantly engaged in house-related, farm-related, and income-generating activities. Women in Nigeria are generally extremely marginalized and under-represented among the professions. Hausa women tend to suffer more extreme versions of discrimination and marginalization as compared to their male counterparts. Relationships between the two genders often take the form of a master–servant arrangement. Customarily a woman should never challenge the complete authority that her husband has over her. She is not viewed as a partner in decision-making, even if it affects her life directly. When the husband wants a new wife, for example, the first wife does not have to know of it, condone it, or even comment on it.

According to Callaway and Creevey (1994), Hausa society is distinctly Islamic, and all of the socio-cultural and religious practices of the society are generally guided by the Islamic code. Coles and Mack (1991) have also argued that Muslim women were forcefully made to accept the Islamic code of behavior, which stresses that their place is in the home. They also argue that Islamic law tends to constrain the behavior and autonomy of women in Hausa society. For them, therefore, Muslim women were expected to remain secluded, carrying out domestic labor and childcare responsibilities (Coles & Mack, 1991, p. 8). However, Turabi (1991) has pointed out that in Islam there is no segregation of sexes in public domains which call for joint effort. He also argues that a woman is quite entitled to go out of her home if she so wishes. She may go to the market to do business or otherwise. Thus, “Islam does not call for segregation between men and women. A woman may therefore receive family guests, serve and entertain them” (Turabi, 1991, pp. 22-23).

Hausa marriages are often polygamous, with co-wives having to compete against one another in order to gain the upper hand in the attention and resources that they may receive from the husband. Callaway and Creevey (1994) state that in Hausa society “a girl… is expected to marry young and to marry a husband chosen for her; to be submissive to him; and to have co-wives whether or not it is her wish” (p. 64). Hausa women in polygamous relationships may resort to witchcraft and magic in an effort to ensure continued cooperation from their husbands and to become the favorite wife. The media in Nigeria have stereotyped this perspective of women as jealous and competitive, going so far as to portray them as potentially evil and destructive and suggesting they may require severe punitive measures before they can be controlled. Mohammad (2004) observes that the new phenomenon of Hausa home video generally portrays women as unstable and potentially problematic to the family. The same medium also depicts women as the subject of abuse and violence by men. For example in Saudatu, a film by Iyan Tama, the principal character severely beats his wife with a belt, while in Kugiya and Gyale, Shehu Hassan and Bashir Nayaya respectively gave their daughters a severe beating for refusing to marry the husbands chosen by their respective parents. The trend is that women in Hausa films are not only secluded and subordinated by men, but also that they are the subjects of violence and abuse from their husbands when they err, or their fathers when they refuse to marry a man chosen by their parents.

Literature Review

Violence is an extremely complex and sensitive phenomenon, which raises uncomfortable questions that touch upon morality, ideology, and culture. Therefore, discussions on the topic of violence, especially against women and children, are bound to meet with resistance at both official and personal levels. Studies on extreme forms of domestic violence have found that violence is extremely diffuse, and defining it is a matter of judgment. What is considered to constitute harm is culturally influenced and is a reflection of social norms. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines violence as: “The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual against oneself, another person, or against a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, psychological harm, mal-development or deprivation” (WHO, 2002).

The World Report on Violence and Health adopts three categories of violence according to who commits the act: (a) self-directed violence, (b)I interpersonal violence, and (c) collective violence. Interpersonal violence is divided into 2 sub-categories:

• Family and intimate partner violence: Violence that occurs largely between family members and intimate partners, usually, though not exclusively, taking place in the home.
• Community violence: Violence between individuals who are unrelated and who may or may not know each other and which generally takes place outside the home.

In 2000, an estimated 520,000 people worldwide were killed in acts of interpersonal violence. Many violent deaths are concealed as accidents or attributed to natural or unknown causes. Women, children, and the elderly constitute the majority of these. Violence among intimate partners occurs in all countries, all cultures, and every level of society. Low-income groups are at a greater risk of violence by an intimate partner than other socioeconomic groups. Violence by intimate partners include physical aggression such as hitting, kicking, or whipping; forced intercourse and other forms of sexual coercion; psychological abuse such as intimidation and humiliation; and controlling behaviors such as isolating a person from family and friends or restricting access to information and assistance (WHO, 2002).

The World Report on Violence and Health reports that women have endured the overwhelming burden of partner violence at the hands of men. According to the report, surveys around the world indicate that between 10–69% of women have reported being physically assaulted by an intimate male partner at some point in their lives. Throughout the world there is a remarkable consistency in the kind of events that trigger violence in abusive relationships. They include

• disobeying or arguing with the man,
• questioning him about money or girlfriends,
• not having food ready on time,
• refusing to have sex, and
• the woman being suspected of infidelity.

The factors that determine a man’s risk of physically assaulting an intimate partner Individual Factors and Interpersonal Factors. Individual factors include

• history of violence in the male’s family,
• drug and alcohol abuse by the male partner, and
• poor behavior control and personality disorders.

Interpersonal factors include

• conflicts or discord in the relationship;
• low income, which provides a source of marital disagreements;
• poverty, overcrowding or hopelessness;
• gender inequality; and
• family or personal histories marked by divorce or separation (WHO, 2002, p. 18).

There are differences in the extent to which the various types of violence are seen as criminal as well as the local authority’s willingness to take action. Police and courts are more interested in detecting and prosecuting violent behavior by young people than violence within the family. In many countries, there is a reluctance to recognize or take action against sexual violence. In some countries, law enforcement officials are also among the perpetrators of violence. Culture plays a key role in deciding the boundaries of acceptable behavior and behavior that is considered abusive as well as in determining responses to violence.

Haji-Yahia (2003) reports that Palestinian men tend to justify wife beating under the following circumstances: (a) sexual infidelity, (b) insulting the husband in front his friend, (c) challenging the husband’s manhood, (d) disobeying the husband, (e) failing to meet the husband’s expectations, (f) refusing to have sex with the husband, (g) disrespect for the husband’s parent and relatives, and (h) reminding the husband of his weak point. The major weak points include financial incapacity, sexual impotence, or inability to fulfill community expectations. He further explains that the patriarchal ideology of Palestinian men is responsible for the men’s tendency to justify wife beating and blame wives for violence against them.

Similarly, Anderson and Underson (2003) contend that men use violence to punish female partners who fail to meet their expectations for physical, emotional, and sexual services in the home. Wife batterers often employ “gendered religious ideologies to justify their violence against woman”. Several studies show that men use masculine identities to control their partners through acts of violence. In Southern Africa, victims of femicides were commonly accused of sexual infidelity. Documented cases of femicides in Botswana have shown that 34% of the assailants alleged that the women they killed had been unfaithful (Watts, Osam & Win, 2001, p. 94).

African communities frequently sanction a man’s violence against his wife if he reports that he suspects the wife was unfaithful to him. In Swaziland, men believe that they also have a right to assault their wives when certain services (such as sexual intercourse) have not been rendered. Alcohol was also used to justify a man’s diminished responsibility for his action in cases of femicide (ibid). Omonubi-McDonald (2003) also reported that most of the women in her focus group discussion session (about 50%) were victims of battery. The battery did not offend most of these women and some offered excuses for the violence against them, excuses which included provocation, job redundancy, alcoholism, in-law interference, and so on.

Data and Method

The data for this study were collected from the records of reported cases of domestic violence in the social welfare office in Kano City over a period of one year—2004. In order to compare the information from the records and the view of the members of the community, primary data were also collected using interviews from a sample of thirty respondents from the community. Trained field assistant conducted the interviews in Hausa, the regional language, over a period of thirty days. Important information from records such age, socioeconomic position of the people involved, and the nature of the violent act were identified, classified, and presented below.

Results and Discussion

Data from the 156 cases of reported domestic violence (involving 312 people) and from the interviews are presented below.

Table 1 shows the age and gender the distribution of the victims and offenders involved in the reported cases of domestic violence. It is clear from the table that 63.5% of the female category is between the ages of 16 and 25 years, compared to 37.1% of males falling in that age group. On the other hand, 40.4% of the males are between the ages of 26 and 35 years compared to 36.5% of females. In addition, 22.5% of the males are over 36 years of age while no females are in that age category. That there is wide age gap among the couples between the males and females is evident from this table. This is largely because females marry earlier than males. For instance, the median age of marriage for females is 18 years (NDHS 2004) compared to 25 for males. This age difference among the couples further disadvantages the females.

Table 2 shows the type of domestic violence reported. It is clear that battery and physical abuse constitute 41.0% of the cases. Inadequate feeding, i.e. cases where the male partner who is traditionally the head of the family in the Hausa community is unable to provide the necessary support for the upkeep of the family, constitutes 37.8%. This subjects women to stress, as many of them do not engage in any occupation and, even if they do, the income may not be sufficient to provide for them. Similarly, refusal of the men to provide child support among divorced couples is another type of violence women face, this abuse constitutes 14.1% of occurrences. Verbal assault is the least reported and constitutes only 7.1% of the cases; even though verbal assault might be the most common of all of forms violence against women, it is hardly reported.

An examination of the records of the reported cases of domestic violence shows that almost all of the individuals involved are in the low-income group, many of them with unstable occupations and an inability to meet the needs of their family. This is consistent with the work of Omonubi-McDonnel (2003) regarding the tendency for the men to vent their anger and frustration on the female counterpart.

Furthermore, it is clear that many cases of reported violence against women arose when wives accuse their husbands of being unable to provide for the family. The situation is further escalated by the generally high rate of poverty in the country. In patriarchal settings where the male is the breadwinner, but cannot provide for his family’s basic needs due to an unstable income, quarrels and possibly violence easily occurs. In this regard, a female respondent said, “Women whose husbands have low income suffer more from domestic violence. The men do not bother to explain things to their wives, but simply vent out their anger on them”.

It is evident from this response that there is often a communication gap between couples, because men in patriarchal societies assume superior positions and, as such, they do not bother to explain their problems. Due to poor communication between the husband and wives, the wives often accuse the husbands of financial recklessness, which makes it difficult for them to maintain their family. The men are, therefore, stressed out and are beset with feelings of having failed to live up to their roles as providers.

On the other hand, the general opinion among the male respondents is that women tend to provoke men, which leads to violence. They claim that women do not seem to recognize the efforts men put forth to support them. A male respondent puts it this way, “Women pretend a lot and have no respect for men”. Another male respondent also said, “Women should be submissive and respectful to their husbands. If a woman overstepped her bounds or challenge [sic.] the authority of the men, he may react violently”.

Since men are the breadwinners and custodians of the women in many parts of Nigeria, it is acceptable for men to correct their wives by means that may constitute battery. Thus, both men and women are socialized to accept this. The men are often aggressive while the women are submissive. This gender-based power relationship exposes women to violence.

Conclusion

These data indicate that domestic violence in the Hausa community exists in many forms, which include wife battery, physical assault, verbal abuse, and refusal of child support among divorced couples. The violent behavior of men towards women is particularly related to the patriarchal nature of the Hausa society, which has conditioned women to accept violence against them. The patriarchal culture, which encompasses both the family and society at large, accord men a superior and dominant position, while women are expected to remain submissive and inferior. It is, however, pertinent to note that it is largely the culture that encourages the gender-biased power relationship between men and women and rigid gender roles, non-egalitarian marital relations, and power imbalance. As such, the culture needs to be studied further in order to understand better the dynamic and underlying factors.

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